inet 


Py byte 


Srieeonenosr a) 


Se 


ears 





ae eee ~ fe 
"Se tay 
Ve Gan ot . 


LIBRARY OF THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 
PRINCETON, N. J. 
PRESENTED BY 


The Publishers 


AD 
4 © i J ey 


Division... £ 


Section...e” O 





7 


‘ 





. 


4 sipapa | Uena 3 pys. 





PERAKUUA: Cosercxan p Seg Opran MK. PKK 


HocmogempnnoscHni mep., A. Ne 3, & 
: ten. 1-99-62. : (Gonbwesnkos ) 





_ A front page cartoon, reproduced in original colors, from The Godless, illus- 
trated anti-religious weekly published in Moscow by the Communist Parly 
of Russia. A careful study of the detail will disclose a particularly vicious 
_ sacrilege, depicted in a style now called ‘ ‘advanced” or ‘“‘Russian” art. 


The translated ce reads: “Take, eat; this is my pod: ”” (Matt. 26; 26.) 


Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2022 with funding from 
Princeton Theological Seminary Library 


https://archive.org/details/redsinamericapreOOwhit_0O 


REDS in AMERICA 


The present Status of the Revolutionary 
Movement in the United States based on 
documents seized by the authorities in 
the raid upon the Convention of the Com- 
munist Party at Bridgman, Michigan, 
Aug. 22, 1922, together with descrip- 
tions of numerous connections and asso- 
ciations of the Communists among the 
Radicals, Progressives and Pinks. 


a 


1924 
Che Berkmtth Press, Iucarparated 
New York City 





Copyright, 1924 
THE BECKWITH PRESS, INC. 


R. M, Whitney, director of the Washington 
Bureau of the American Defense Society, was born 
in 1875. He graduated from Harvard in 1897 and | 





has been a newspaper reporter and editor in St. 
Louis, Boston, Chicago, San Francisco, Los Angeles 
San Diego and during the war covered the State 
Department for the Associated Press. He has been 
a correspondent in Mexico, Central and South 
America for many papers. He is the author of 
numerous pamphlets on patriotic subjects, 





Opus No, Eigh 


CONTENTS 


Tntroduction Sei 

The Raid at Bridgman 

In Political Fields . 

Schools and Colleges . 

Radical Publications and Literature . 
“Legal” Organizations 

Relief Drives; The Agrarian Program 
American Civil Liberties Union 

The Industrial Program 

The Stage and the Movies 

Army, Navy, and the Government 
The Labor Defense Council—Women’s Clubs 
The Negro Program—Future Plans of Communists 
Present Status of the Bridgman Cases 

The Shortcomings of Our Laws 


APPENDIX A. 
Thesis on Co-ordination of Communist Activity in the Americas 


APPENDIX B. 
Thesis on “Relations of One and Two” 


APPENDIX C. 
“Adaptation of the Communist Party of America to American 
Conditions” 


AppEenDIx D. 
“News Letter Service” marked “Rush One to Each Group” 


APPENDIX KE. 
The Workers’ Party on the United Front 


APPENDIX F’. 
Next Tasks of ine Communist Party in America 


APPENDIX G. 
“Our Bolshevist Moles” 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


“Take, eat; this is my body.” Frontispiece 

Facing page 
Cablegrams from Moscow in code 36 
The Red Napoleon 44 
Communist publications in the United States 66 
Schematic diagram of the Bolshevik propaganda organization. . 74 
Anti-Christian cartoon from Max Eastman’s Masses 79 
The Young Comrade 98 
Captain Paxton Hibben at the grave of John Reed 107 
“The Jesus-Thinkers,” by Michael Gold 119 
“Communism and Christianism” 135 
Communist leaflets 161 
Appeal of Labor Defense Council 173 
Max Eastman and Claude McKay 190 


INTRODUCTION 


“Better to be despised for too anxious apprehensions, than ruined by 
too confident security.” 


“The effect of liberty to individuals is, that they may do what they 
please: we ought to see what it will please them to do, before we risque 
congratulations, which may soon turn into complaints. Prudence would 
dictate this in the case of separate insulated private men; but liberty, when 
men act in bodies, is power. Considerate people, before they declare them- 
selves, will observe the use which is made of power; and particularly of so 
trying a thing as new power in new persons, of whose principles, tempers, 
and dispositions they have little or no experience, and in situations where those 
who appear the most stirring in the scene may not possibly be the real movers.” 


The Rt. Hon. Epmunp Burke. Reflections on the Revolution in France, 
and on the Proceedings in Certain Societies in London Relative to that 
Event. In a letter intended to have been sent to a Gentleman in Paris. 
(Published in October, 1790.) 


Turning over the pages of Burke’s Reflections, the thought is constantly 
dominant—even if no other sources of information were at hand—that the 
points of similarity between the French Revolution and that which recently 
occurred in Russia far outnumber those of dissimilarity. The revolutionaries 
of France were as much adepts at the dissemination of catchwords and 
slogans as their Russian prototypes of a later day. Some of the rallying 
cries, as for instance “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,” have persisted in their 
psychic malfeasance even to the present, and the literature of the French 
Revolution abounds with phrases which crop out in the wordy exudates of 
Lenin and Trotsky. The correspondence of Jean Baptiste Carrier has been 
recently published, and it is difficult to realize that the scenes of terrible 
cruelty which Carrier describes are not those in which the central figure is 
a Dzerzhinsky or a Moghilevsky or that Carrier’s loathsome sacrilege is not 
that of a Bukharin. 

The machinery of organized revolution which produced such a change 
in France has been well described by Mrs. Nesta Webster,? and the most 
startling truth is clearly brought out that the organization through which 
the chief conspirators accomplished their purposes of destruction was ma- 
nipulated through Minorities, secretly organized, and working in secondary 
and tertiary minorities, also secretly organized, ultimately influencing vast 
numbers of people who knew not the objective and cared less. The direc- 


1 EB. H. Carrier—Correspondence of Jean Baptiste Carrier. (John Lane Co.) 
# Mrs. Nesta Webster—World Revolution, (Small, Maynard & Co.) 


(5) 


REDS IN AMERICA 


tion of the movement, therefore, always came from the top. It must be 
admitted that the Revolution was in small part only, a reaction against abuses 
which were rapidly in process of abatement, and which, such as they were, 
furnished talking points to the curbstone agitators. Mr. Theodore Roose- 
velt showed his keen historical insight and freedom from the influence of 
Carlisle’s Prussianized history when he wrote to Mr. Felix Frankfurter, 
one of our modern revolutionaries: 


“Robespierre and Danton and Marat and Herbert were just as evil as 
the worst tyrants of the old regime, and from 1791 to 1794 they were the 
most dangerous enemies to liberty that the world contained.” 


This organization of disorder in France carried its fighting front into 
foreign countries and counted upon reverberations as a part of its political 
capital at home. Friends of the Revolution in England, many of them 
fanatical in their devotion to the cause of democracy as pictured by its 
philosophers, organized, agitated, assembled, talked, and raised much money 
to help the cause along; so much so that many were of the belief that it was 
British government gold upholding the hands of the protesting party. As 
clearly defined but with less intensity, the same organized movement ap- 
peared in the United States. Its advent caused George Washington and his 
coworkers considerable anxiety for they evidently could not understand its 
true significance. It can be said verily that the scars of that agitation are 
still apparent in our political life. They are the first deviations from the 
standard of a representative republican government as conceived by the 
framers of the Constitution, who were attempting to build something which 
could protect minorities against the liquid rule of a mob. 

It was in contemplation of such things that Edmund Burke was 
prompted to write his Reflections. The times furnished an opportunity for 
a bit of wise political philosophy, just as applicable to-day with our eyes 
turned towards the north-east, as it was in the days of Burke when he was 
viewing events from the safe side of the English Channel. The lessons are 
all worked out, ready for study. As this book will show, we have with us 
a group of people numbering about 30,000 at the most, ninety percent of 
whom are aliens and cannot vote, who are closely bound by ties of a harsh 
discipline, fear of treason, hope of loot, and an easy future. They are 
ruled by a clever, more or less secretly organized minority. As a minority, 
this party hopes, or rather its minority leaders hope, to dominate an in- 
articulate and unorganized majority. It is this latter mass, in which it is so 
difficult to stimulate reactions but which once stimulated are so difficult to 
stop, that was finally roused in both France and Russia. The revolutionary 
leaders themselves know it for we find William Z. Foster telling his fellow 
conspirators in the convention of Communists at Bridgman, Mich.: 


“The fate of the Communist party depends upon the control of the 
masses, through the capture of the trade unions, without which revolution is 
impossible.” 


There is a certain candor about this which is refreshing even if spoken 


[6] 





INTRODUCTION 


to fellow Communists and in a secret session. Foster also said in the same 
speech: 
“We no longer measure the importance of revolutionary organizations 
by their size.” 
Foster has evidently studied the history of revolutions and the psy- 
chology of minority control. Then again Foster said: 


“Communists get things done and paid for by others.” 


Quite so. Some of us have been watching the revolutionary movement 
for years, and with Foster, the opinion is unanimous that if the following 
three things happened, the movement in the United States will collapse in 
a hurry. 1. Cessation of governmental support to socialistic projects, which 
are on the periphery of the revolutionary program. 2. Withdrawal of ad- 
vertising support on the part of the several large corporations from quasi- 
Bolshevik magazines and other similar publications. 3. It is also suggested 
that benevolent old ladies and gentlemen (some of them not so very old 
either) clamber off the Bolshevik bandwagon and stand on a real rock-ribbed 
American platform, giving their funds to assist in maintaining the best 
government on earth as it was originally conceived. It is to be granted that 
the giving of money for an object thought worthy stimulates a satisfied feeling 
which is quite desirable, but it is equally true that starving children in Rus- 
sia are not fed by the absent dollar—not at all. Up to this point at least, 
it is impossible to disagree with Mr. Foster. 

But we must turn aside for a moment and determine just what kind of 
an organization this revolutionary party is. A line of thought is suggested 
by the Communists themselves. The Bridgman Convention adopted a “Thesis 
on the Relations of No. One (illegal branch) and No. Two (legal branch).” 
It was written by a committee of which J. Lovestone was chairman, at that 
time executive secretary of the Communist party of America, and must 
therefore be accepted as authoritative. 

“The revolutionary party can avoid suppression into a completely secret 
existence * * * by taking advantage of the pretenses of ‘democratic 
forms’ which the capitalist state is obliged to maintain. By this means the 
Communists can maintain themselves in the open with a restricted program 
while establishing themselves with mass support.” 

In other words, the revolutionary party assumes the pretense of demo- 
cratic forms in order to secure the support of the masses and this pretense 
is assumed only during the transitory phase which precedes the climax of 
a proletarian dictatorship. Things are said sometimes which do not work 
out in practice—especially with the Bolsheviks. Therefore, it behooves us 
to examine the machinery of world revolution and see for ourselves whether 
it is assuming the “pretenses of democratic form.” 

Authentic evidence is fortunately right at hand. Hon. Henry Cabot 
Lodge of Massachusetts addressed the Senate of the United States January 
7, 1924 and gave a clear insight into the workings of world revolution right 
at its center in Moscow. ‘Then followed the hearings before a Sub-Com- 
mittee of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the United States Senate 
under the chairmanship of Senator Borah “pursuant to S. Res. 50, declaring 


[7] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


that the Senate of the United States favors the recognition of the present 
Soviet Government in Russia,” a resolution which was introduced by Mr. 
Borah himself. Mr. Robert F. Kelley and Mr. A. W. Kliefoth, both of the 
Division of Eastern European Affairs, Department of State, testified, and 
placed on record voluminous documents to back their conclusions. 


The Russian Communist party—This basic organization has never 
numbered more than 700,000 out of a general population of 120,000,000 and 
at the present time has about 387,000 members, largely confined to the urban 
centers. The party is highly disciplined, thoroughly organized, and is also 
a fighting as well as a political unit. Its members may be called upon to 
go anywhere, either singly or in numbers, in some respects resembling our 
own militia. New members are recruited after a probationary period of 
at least one year, often extending to five years, during which each candidate 
is subjected to the most rigid observation and trial. At the present time, 
no one can join who is not of the proletariat (urban industrial workers). 

“At the party Congress held in April, 1923, it was decided that for one 
year, only industrial laborers were eligible to be enrolled in the party, and 
they must be seconded by two party members. All other applicants, it was 
decided, are to remain candidates for another year.”2 
Political reasons for limiting the membership to industrial workers 

are obvious. 

“After admittance into the party, the new members must survive periodic 
combings of the party roster, during which their reports as practicing party 
members are minutely scrutinized. * * * The object of these cleansings 
is to eliminate all those who are not sincere communists.”2 
Members are penalized for the slightest infraction of rules, lighter of- 

fenses being followed by suspension or expulsion from the party while 
greater transgressions are punished by those heavier penalties imposed under 
the statutes designed to discourage counter-revolution. Each member is 
pledged to propagandize against religion and is not allowed to enter a place 
of worship. Church marriage is a frequent cause for discipline. The 
Izvestia, official organ of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, pub- 
lished an article March 31, 1921, in which, 

“a notice [was given] to all members of the Russian Communist party 
in regard to the strict fulfillment of Article 13 of the constitution of the 
Russian Communist party, which compels all members to carry on anti- 
religious propaganda.” 

In return for such fealty to the party, members are carefully cared for 
in many ways. Shortly after the revolution when food was scarce, members 
of the party were first in line during the distribution of the food packages. 
They all have jobs under the government: 


“Senator Pepper, I understand you to say that you did not know of any 
case where there was a member of the Communist party who is not also an 
office holder of the Soviet government? 


“Mr. Kelley. Yes, sir.”4 


“pea eaaaary, Senator Lodge, Cong. Rec., Jan 7, 1924, p. 579. 
OC. Cit. 

* Hearings of the Borah Sub-Committee, p. 14. 

* Ibid., p. 16. 


[8] 


INTRODUCTION 


Naturally, this works both ways. 


“There is not known a case of a single member of the higher govern- 
mental organs, either in the Federation or in the so-called Russian Soviet 
Republic, who is not a member of the Russian Communist party.”2 


Then, there is the good old-fashioned Tammany method of getting the 
party heelers out of trouble. An official report? of the Central Control 
Committee of the Russian Communist party, made at the last Congress, 


states: 


“ * * * All our work is carried on in contact with the courts and 


with the state political administration, in view of the fact that often in the 
courts there are pending cases of members of the party. The judicial organs 
inform us about the comrades in regard to whom there is judicial evidence. 
We acquaint ourselves with this evidence, as not infrequently there have 
been cases where comrades have been put into the dock solely as the result 
of personal intrigues. In such cases, * * * we have raised the question 
of the expediency and advisability of a public trial in court lest we under- 
mine the party authority of our comrades.” 


The party also has a “monopoly of legality” and no other political 
associations are allowed under heavy penalties. 


“I refer to the fact that we are the only legal party in the country, and 
have, in this wise, as it were, a monopoly of legality * * * . Let us 
speak clearly—we have a monopoly of legality. We do not grant our oppon- 
ents political freedom. We do not give the possibility of legal existence to 
those who pretend to compete with us.” Zinoviev, Pravda, April 2, 1922. 


The All-Russian Congress of the Russian Communist party meets, per- 
haps, once a year, the last having been the twelfth. It was held in Moscow, 
April, 1923, and another is scheduled for March, 1924. The delegates are 
all hand-picked. 

“Mr. Kelley. * * * [Exhibit] No. 21 is a translation from Pravda, 
May 12, 1923, a speech of Zinoviev, in which he points out that the delegates 
to the party conference [Congress] were carefully selected. * * * Se- 
lected by a small group of individuals. * * * Selected by the Central 
[Executive] Committee.” 

The selections, we may be sure, are safe ones. Not much voting is 
done at these Congresses. The business consists largely in listening to the 
reports of the “big chiefs,” explanations of why things do not always hap- 
pen just so, and exhortations to remain steadfast in the faith. The same 
individuals always do the talking, usually members of the Central Com- 
mittee, or important members of the Soviet government. In turn the Central 
Committee is elected by the Congress: 

“According to the statutes of organization of the party, the supreme 
power in the party is exercised by the All-Russian Congress of the Russian 
Communist party, which elects an executive organ called the Central Com- 


mittee of forty members, who, it is stated, should by preference be ‘laborers 
more closely connected with the proletarian mass.’” Pravda, April 28, 1923. 


1 Speech of Senator Lodge, loc. cit., p. 578. 

2 The Central Control Committee of the Russian Communist party has the function 
of supervising and controlling the machinery of the party and of the Soviet govern- 
ment of Russia. Hearings of the Borah Sub-Committee, p. 10. 

8 Hearings of the Borah Sub-Committee, p. 15. 

4 Hearings of the Borah Sub-Committee, p, 14, 

8’ Speech of Senator Lodge, p. 680. 


19] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


The “laborers closely connected with the proletarian masses” are 
simply “fronts” for as will be seen when it comes to the matter of selecting 
the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, they are promptly forgotten. 
The Central Committee meets once in two months, and between sessions of 
the Congress holds supreme authority. With numerous proletarians on the 
Committee, it was, of course, difficult to transact business, so a Political 
Bureau is elected by the Central Committee. 

“Attached to [elected by] the Central Committee. there is a Political 
Bureau of seven members who have grown skilled in directing political and 
economic work of our organs * * * . In the second place, the nucleus 
within the Central Committee, which has become expert in management, is 


already growing old and must be replaced.” Report of Comrade Stalin, Pravda, 
April 19, 1923. 


Following are given as members of the Political Bureau: 


Lenin Zinoviev Tomsky 
Rykov Kamenev Trotsky 
Stalin 


Alternates: Rudzutak, Kalinin, Molotov, Bukharin. 


Lenin is now dead. Trotsky is reported more or less ill, and in dis- 
agreement as to policies with other members of the Bureau. Tomsky and 
Stalin are not regarded as having predominating influence owing to age and 
previous political history, though Stalin appears to be making rapid prog- 
ress. Rykov is perhaps of next importance because of his skill along 
economic lines. He has been recently elected to fill Lenin’s place. Kamenev, 
whose correct name is Rosenfeld and who married Trotsky’s sister, is chief 
of the intellectual forces of the Bolsheviks, and is a close supporting second 
to Zinoviev (born, Apfelbaum). Zinoviev is unquestionably, at this time, the 
dominating member of the Bureau. He is described as “most ruthless; it 
is he who by the offices he holds in the Communist paity and the Communist 
International is at the head of all propaganda in foreign countries.” “Party 
dictatorship,” says Zinoviev, “is the lever which we cannot let out of our 
hands.” 

The Russian Communist party, the Russian Soviet government, and the 
Third (Communist) International— A rather lengthy description of the 
Russian Communist party machinery has been attempted for three reasons: 
in the first place, through it a small group of men, if not merely one or two, 
responsible to none but themselves, dominate, politically and economically, 
a large mass of people. The structure is that of minorities, openly organ- 
ized but of necessity secret. Secondly, the structure is characteristic of all 
communistic organizations. Finally, by a system of interlocking director- 
ates, characteristic of radical and liberal organizations even in the United 
States, the Communist party machine dominates by its Political Bureau 
(Politbureau) the Russian Soviet Government (including the Federation of 
Soviet Republics) and the Third (Communist) International. “The func- 
tion of the Soviet government is to govern Russia; that of the International 
to carry out the policy of the party abroad” both in the last analysis under 


1 Hearings of the Borah Sub-Committee, p. 23. 


{10] 





INTRODUCTION 





the direction of the Political Bureau. A description by Lenin of the work 
of the Political Bureau is enlightening in many respects.t 


“The principal task of the Organization Bureau was the distribution of 
party forces and the task of the Political Bureau was the solution of political 
questions. 


“Naturally this division is to a certain extent artificial, being understood 
that it is impossible to conduct any policy without making certain classifica- 
tions. Consequently every question of organization assumes a political signifi- 
cance and among us has grown up the practice that the opinion of one 
member of the Central Committee is sufficient in order to have any particular 
question by virtue of this or that consideration held to be a political question. 

“To attempt otherwise to limit the activity of the Central Committee 
would in fact hardly be of value and in practice could hardly be possible. 
* * * During the year much of the work of the Political Bureau has con- 
sisted of the current solution of all questions arising having relation to policy 
unifying the activity of all soviet and party institutions, all organizations of 
the working class, unifying and striving to direct all the work of the Soviet 
Republics, all questions of an international, domestic and foreign policy, 
* * * each of us working in this or that party or soviet organization watches 
every day for any unusual developments in political questions, foreign or 
domestic. 

“The decision of these questions, as it expressed itself in the decrees of 
the soviet power or in the activity of party organizations was appraised by 
the Central Committee of the party. It is necessary to say that the questions 
were so many that it was necessary to decide them one after the other under 
conditions of great haste and only, thanks to the full acquaintance of members 
of the collegium, to the understanding of the shades of opinion, and confidence 
was it possible to carry out the work. Otherwise it would have been impos- 
sible even for a collegium three times larger. Often it was necessary to decide 
conflicting questions by substituting a telephone conversation for a meeting.” 


It is entirely conceivable that when the telephone was out of order, 
Lenin took upon himself the responsibility of making the decision. This 
relation, however, is not of so much interest to us as that which exists 
between the party and the Third (Communist) International. The organiza- 
tion schemes of both are practically the same with slight differences in 
terminology. The Third International is the creation of Lenin who worked 
out the details in practice by utilizing the machinery of the Russian Com- 
munist party. Congresses are held at Moscow approximately every year, 
the last (at the time this is written) having been held in Nov.-Dec., 
1922. Calls for its assemblage are issued by the Executive Committee, which 
has the power of seating the delegates and determining the number of del- 
egates which are to represent each country. In turn, the Executive Com- 
mittee is nominally elected by the Congress, but the method of election 
raises the question as to whether it wasn’t learned from political experience 
acquired in the Lower East-side of New York. Zinoviev, chairman of the 
‘Executive Committee, and unanimously elected president of the Congress 
speaking :* 





1 Before the Ninth Congress of the Russian Communist party. Hearings of the 
Borah Sub-Committee, p. 16. 

2 Bulletin of the Third Congress, No. 2, p. 19. Cited by Mr. Kelley before the Borah 
Sub-Committee, p. 41. 


[11] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


“Unless there is objection, I will have the voting take place. I beg the 
comrades who understand German and sit alongside of the Russian comrades 
to translate as well as they can to them. The voting will now take place. 
Has anyone any objection to this list? That appears not to be the case. The 


list is confirmed.” 
and the Executive Committee, having nominated itself, took office until the 
next Congress. Objection would have been futile, as the composition of 
the Congress was dominated by the Russian Communist party elements, 
voting under unit rule. The Congress agenda is prepared in advance, and 
consists largely of speeches and reports. The same persons appear, year 
after year. Voting is rarely attempted.t 
“And after the vote was taken, in which, of course, the Russian motion 
was carried, Zinoviev remarks, ‘Comrades, this is the only vote during the 
whole Congress, and it is, after all, only a question of such a little thing.’ ” 
The Executive Committee of the Comintern? delegates the absolute 
authority vested in it to the Presidium, which it in turn elects. At present, 
the members of the Presidium of the Comintern, elected subsequent to the 
Fourth Congress are as follows: 


Zinoviev Katayama Shatskin 
Clara Zetkin Neurath Kolorav 
Kusinen Bukharin Souvarine 
Radek McManus Terraccini 


Little attention may be paid to those who are foreigners in Russia, as 
the Russian group dominates the organization and the foreigners are not 
often in Moscow anyway. Bukharin, Radek, and Kusinen are in immediate 
charge under Zinoviev, their names appearing on documents seized at Bridg- 
man, Mich. Kusinen signs the orders which go out. Zinoviev is a member 
of the Political Bureau of the Communist party, and Bukharin is an alternate. 
“The Communist International is the chief channel of communication, 
organization, and agitation in the United States.” 

The Communist party of America—This is the American Section of the 


Third or Communist International.¢ 


“Tt must always be remembered that the real revolutionary party—the 
American Section of the Third International—is the Communist party of 
America and that the legal party [Workers’ party] is but an instrument 
which it uses to carry on its work among the masses.” 


! Speech of Senator Lodge, p. 585. The Congress has also a presidium of its own which 
is in effect a “‘steering committee.” 

2 Mr. Kelley before the Borah Sub-Committee, p. 40. 

3 Radicals generally have a habit of abbreviating the long names of their organiza- 
tions. For instance, “‘Glavlit’’ refers to the Supreme Literature and Publishing Ad- 
ministration attached to the Commissariat of Education of the Russian Soviet 
Government, the bureau which has charge among other things of the press censor- 
ship; ‘‘Rosta’”’ is the Russian Telegraph Agency which exchanges news with Reuters 
and the United Press; ‘‘Tuel’’ is the Trade Union Educational League of William Z. 
Foster, a branch of the Communist party of America to which is allocated the work 
of propagandizing and organizing within the trades unions. In the same manner, 
“Comintern”? is an abbreviation for Communist International. “Presidium of the 
Comintern” is an expression which is often used and refers to a small group of men 
within the Executive Committee which has ultimate authority, and which dominates 
the organization. The dominating group within the Presidium are members of the 
Political Bureau of the Russian Communist party, 


4 See p. 204, 


[12] 


TENS RAO e Dour Ca ON 


And again:} 

“The ruling of the Communist International must be accepted as obligat- 
ing every member of the Communist party of America, minority or majority, 
to work diligently in the immediate construction of a legal political party, 
[ Workers’ party].” 


That this status is accepted by the American elements:? 


“Even though the Communist party shall have come aboveground and 
acts as the section of the Communist International, the underground organ- 
ization remains as the directing organ of the open Communist party. This 
status is to continue up to and through the revolution and to the establish- 
ment of the dictatorship of the proletariat.” 


So that there is provision made for an illegal party to work as a secret 
minority within the open legal party. The relations between the two are 
considered in great detail both at the headquarters of the Comintern in Mos. 
cow and by the local leaders. No other relationship is thought possible 
for effectively carrying on the work of revolution in the United States. 


“The illegal Communist party * * * must continue to direct the 
whole communist work.” 

“The whole open work of all communists * * * must be directed 
by the Communist party.’ 

“The entire membership of the underground party, the real Communist 
party, must join the open party [Worker’s party] and become its most active 
element * * * must at all times hold positions of leadership in the 
legal party.’’4 

And then again:* 

“During the time when the Communist party operates, not under its own 
name and program in the open, but through a ‘legal’ political party with 
restricted program and different name, the same principle is applied by having 
full control of such legal party in the hands of the Communist party. 

“This is accomplished by having a majority of all important committees 
composed of Communist party members, and by means of regular and com- 
pulsory caucuses of all the Communist party members within any legal unit, 
bound by the unit rule, a principle which will prevail in some effective form 
when the Communist party is itself in the open.” 

“The convention of the Communist party must be held prior to the con- 
vention of the Labor [Workers’] party and determine all policies for the 
party and all its open organizations.” 

The absolute domination of the open party by the illegal party, the 
connections with the Communist International are therefore shown. The 
Workers’ party however is only one form of activity which is planned and 
not even does the Workers’ party have a monopoly in the political field. 
The presence of William Z. Foster at the Bridgman convention plainly in- 
dicated that his organization, the Trade Union Educational League was 
designed to work in the field of labor as the Workers’ party was designed 
to work in the field of politics.¢ 





1 Instructions signed by Bukharin, Radek, and Kusinen, p. 249. 

2 Thesis on Relations of No. One (illegal branch) to No. Two (legal branch), Appendix 
B, written by J, Lovestone, executive secretary of the Communist party of America 
and adopted by the Bridgman Convention, 

3 Report of the Adjustment Committee to the Convention, written by Robert Minor, 
a member of the Executive Committee, p. 28. 

« Appendix F. 

&’ Appendix B, Thesis by J. Lovestone. 

6 Resolutions adopted by the Bridgman convention, p. 28. 


[13] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


“The general control of the No. One [illegal branch] within X [Trade 
Union Educational League] as within all other organizations must be in the 
hands of the party, and not in the hands of special committees.” 

Within the ranks of conservative labor unions are to be established 
nuclei, here and there gradually winning over the more or less radical and 
discontented to a “red” platform and securing the benevolent neutrality of 
the conservatives. The plan does not call for the adhesion in an organic 
sense of larger numbers of the labor union members but for secretly organ- 
ized minority groups. Acting through the labor union organizations, the 
Communist nuclei exercise an influence which reaches far beyond their 
immediate membership. * 


“The party must use its influence and strength in the trade unions to 
form delegated conferences of labor organizations. Such conferences decide 
on a general political campaign including all forms of political action. 
* * * Our members should initiate such action through the unions.” 

“In creating a united front for the working class for their economic strug- 
gles, the existing labor unions must remain the instruments of these struggles 
while the members of the Workers’ party must be the instruments to unify 
these economic organizations.” 


The same methods of control are extended to the Communist press. As 
Foster expresses it, “one of the secrets of control is monopoly of the press,” 
and provision is made that, insofar as possible, all editors of the Workers’ 
party organs shall be members of the Communist party. 


The convention of the Communist party at Bridgman was organized 
and carried on in true Bolshevik style. Little voting was allowed, care being 
taken to insure healing in the party dissensions early in the convention. 
Only true and trusted delegates were present, handpicked as it were. The 
program consisted principally of reports of committees, orders from Mos- 
cow to which the delegates themselves listened on the whole without much 
discussion. The convention had its presidium.’ 


“Throughout the Communist movement of the world, the system of 
‘presidiums’ prevails, by which matters of necessarily secret nature are kept 
in the liands of the most reliable and most trusted members of the party. 
This is a necessary feature of a revolutionary organization.” 


Secrecy of course is necessary to control, and the caution to observe it 
came from Moscow—the result of extended experience—emphasized by the 
local leaders.? 


“While coming out in the open, the Communist party must not make the 
mistake of being trapped in the open by exposing its national or district 
Communist party headquarters, records, or illegal machinery, its underground 
printing arrangements or the personnel of its Central Executive Committee.” 

* * * * The identity of members of No. One [illegal branch] 
working in offices or upon committees or in units of No. Two [legal branch]. 
as well as their relations to No. One, must not be exposed. * * * Get 
used to speaking in terms that will not in any way reveal connections with 


No. One.’’4 


1 Appendix H, instructions from Moscow. Vide, Chapter 11. 

2 Thesis by Lovestone. Appendix B, p. 221. 

* Vide, p. 199. 

‘ Confidential bulletin written by Lovestone and sent to Communist groups through- 
out the country, p. 38. : 


[14] 





INTRODUCTION 


re ee 





a A ee aR 


The Communist party of course has its Executive Committee and pre- 
sumably it is elected in about the same fashion as those elected in Moscow. 
While the Bridgman raid on the party convention was a staggering blow 
to the revolutionists, the latter have recovered their equilibrium rapidly and 
have transferred a part of their work to the Workers’ party organization. 
The Central Executive Committee of the Workers’ party is now composed of : 


Alexander Bittleman William Z. Foster 
Karl R. Browder Benjamin Gitlow 
F. Burman Ludwig Lore 
J. P. Cannon J. Lovestone 
William F. Dunne John Pepper 
J. L. Engdahl C. E. Ruthenberg 

It also has its Political Bureau: 
Foster Browder Cannon 
Pepper Lovestone Dunne 

Ruthenberg 


And it is perfectly safe to assume that this is the linside ring in 
these United States. John Pepper officially represents the Third Interna- 
tional of Moscow in the Committee and in the Bureau. Pepper’s correct 
name, i. e., the one under which he was born, is Pogany and his Com- 
munist party name is Lang. 

This picture is complete. For the time it is possible for the aver- 
age man to gain a conception of the great political machine which controls 
the destinies of so many individuals in Europe and which would extend its 
operations to the whole world. The lines of activity and the channels of 
thought are now an open book. To an extent never before dreamed of, the 
principles of secret, irresponsible, minority control have been brought to 
a magnificent perfection. Yet, in the very perfection of its development 
lies the very danger to which it subjects society at large, the cancer-like in- 
filtration into untouched fields. If one minority can build up and sway 
such a machine, why not another? That the leaders themselves have recog- 
nized this danger is apparent. # 

“The Thesis adopted by the Third World Congress on the subject of 
organization explicitly prohibited the formation of closed factions within 
Communist parties.” 

Of course; the danger is much too real. Another minority might grab 
the machine. 

It borders on the silly to say that this ponderous organization has been 
erected for the purpose of bringing about a proletarian dictatorship. That 
sort of a slogan may be sufficient to keep the proletarian busy with his 
thoughts while the leaders twist his nose, for “it is necessary for victory 
to bring about common ‘mass action’ of workers who are not yet commu- 
nists.” The climax of a proletarian dictatorship is somewhere else. The 


1 Taken from a news letter service sent out by Brooks, representative of the Com- 
munist International in this country, p. 232. 


[15] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


problem is to locate it, evaluate it, and see to whose interest the movement 
contributes. 

If we take a glance over the field of international politics, we find bonds 
of sympathy between world revolution which is international, and more 
particularly Germany which is national. Internationalism has never been 
anti-German for the reason that Germany has now been “bolshevised” these 
many years. It has been and is now being ruled by an irresponsible minor- 
ity. A constant watch on the events of the past few years discloses too 
many points of sympathetic contact between the leaders of Moscow and 
Berlin. Policies are shaped to conform to common objectives. Under pres- 
ent circumstances there can be no communist revolution in Germany, no mat- 
ter how many times it may be walked out as a threat. Under the new economic 
policy in Russia, communism is abandoned and there has gradually super- 
ceded a socialistic form of government which in general lines is the exact 
duplicate of that which exists in Germany. Is that the real objective of the 
world revolutionary movement, the struggle for a proletarian dictatorship? 
The temptation to belief is great when the “stream of thought” among the 
revolutionaries is all in one direction. 3 


“The German steam hammer and Soviet wheat will conquer the entire 
world.” 


It seems that the time has come to seriously consider the question: did 
the Entente win the war only to lose to the sneakery of a back-stairs thief? 


The preparation of the material for this book has been of absorbing 
interest. Since much of it appeared in the Boston Evening Transcript over 
a year ago, there have been many bitter attacks and withal much praise. 
The attacks give little concern because of their source, from radicals of 
every hue, from Reds to parlor pinks, from the American Civil Liberties 
Union, a most subversive organization, to members of Congress who 
pretend to be patriots and while hiding under the cloak of “progress- 
iveism” are in reality playing the game of the world revolutionaries. The 
pacifists have been particularly virulent, as if they believed in fighting to 
obtain peace. Praise has come from labor leaders among others, who believe 
in the open publication of the truth realizing that it hits none who are still 
loyal to the tenets of those who founded this Republic. 


There are many to whom credit should be given for assistance and 
advice and with them I would share the honors. The publication of Reds 
in America in this form would not have been possible without the material 
cooperation of the American Defense Society, and its Board of Directors. 
Under the greatest difficulties this organization is attempting to preserve to 
our succeeding generations an America such as we found it, and this book 


1 Slogans for the sixth anniversary celebration of the October revolution written 
by Comrade Stalin and published in the Pravda, Oct. 27, 1923. Hearings of the Borah 
Sub-Committee, p. 64. 


[16] 





INTRODUCTION 





is one of many evidences of its work. I am also greatly indebted to Mr. Will- 
iam E. Brigham, Washington correspondent of the Boston Evening Transcript, 
who has been of much aid and comfort because of his determined stand 
for Americanism and his insistence that the American people shall know 
the truth of the radical situation. My appreciation is also expressed to 
Mr. Fred Marvin, editor of the Searchlight department of the New York 
Commercial who wrote the chapter concerning the trials of the Com- 
munists at St. Joseph, Mich., following the raid at Bridgman. Thanks are 
also extended to Dr. Harris A. Houghton of New York, who has given me 
many valuable suggestions and who, at my request, corrected the final proofs. 
The officials of the Bureau of Investigation of the Department of Justice, 
especially Mr. William J. Burns, Mr. John Edgar Hoover and Mr. George 
F. Ruch, have also been particularly helpful in advice and friendly 
criticism. 

My earnest hope is that this book will be helpful to those students of 
the science of government who are still befogged in the tractless sea of 
“liberism” as now defined and that it will ultimately prove to be a per- 
manent contribution to the bibliography of loyalty to American institttions. 


R. M. WHITNEY 


Washington, D. C. 
February, 1924. | 


[17] 


* 


eei> Speaicgty ape 


ae gr 
Petes 





CHAPTER ONE 


THE RAID AT BRIDGMAN 


The most colossal conspiracy against the United States in its history 
was unearthed at Bridgman, Michigan, August 22, 1922, when the secret 
Convention of the Communist party of America was raided by the Michigan 
Constabulary, aided by county and Federal officials. Two barrels full of 
documentary proof of the conspiracy were seized and are in possession of 
the authorities. Names, records, checks from prominent people in this 
country, instructions from Moscow, speeches, theses, questionnaires—indeed, 
the whole machinery of the underground organization, the avowed aim of 
which is the overthrow of the United States Government, was found in such 
shape as to condemn every participant in the convention. 

It is now known and can be made public to what extent this movement, 
inspired from Moscow and directed by Lenin and Trotsky, has grown since 
the first seeds were sown a few years ago. The seriousness of the menace 
may now be measured for the first time. The ramifications of the organ- 
ization are now known. It can be stated with authority that the Workers’ 
party of America is a branch of this organization, placed in the field by 
orders direct from Moscow and supported by the illegal branches of the 
Communist party. It is known that agents of the Communists are working 
secretly, through “legal” bodies, in labor circles, in society, in _profes- 
sional groups, in the Army and Navy, in Congress, in the schools and ‘col- 
leges of the country, in banks and business concerns, among the farmers, 
in the motion picture industry—in fact, in nearly every walk of life. 

These agents are not “lowbrows,” but are keen, clever, intelligent, 
educated men and women. They are experts in their several lines. Their 
programs, which are now known, show that their plans for inciting the 
negroes, the farmers, the clerks, the workmen in industry, members of Con- 
gress, employees in Government departments everywhere, to violence against 
the constituted authorities, have been drawn with almost uncanny appreciation 
of the psychology of each group, with facts and figures so manipulated as 
to appeal to those approached, with false premises so cleverly drawn as to 
fool almost anyone. 

The names of persons interested directly or indirectly in this move- 
ment are astounding. They range from bricklayers to bishops, and include 
many prominent official and society people. It must be understood that 
by far the greater number of these people do not know to what they are 
lending the use of their names and influence or to what they are giving 
their money. They have been approached to give aid to the Workers’ party, 


[19] 





REDS IN AMERICA 





or to the many relief organizations which have sprung up disguising Com- 
munistic activities, or to the forward-looking, “advanced” schools of political 
thought. They do not know that their names are on what are known in 
the secret circles of the Communists as “sucker lists” comprising the names 
of people who have given to one or another of the various “causes” which 
are manipulated by the Communists and who can, if properly approached, 
be induced to give again. 

These are not idle words. The plans and programs of the Communists 
contain the proofs. But for the length of the documents they might all 
be printed in full. They are worth the study of all true Americans, for 
by suggestion and innuendo, they are designed to bring about the moral an- 
nexation of the United States to Russia, and by direct words they show that 
Lenin and Trotsky with their precious group in Moscow, control the 
secret as well as the open work of the Communists of America in all its 
ramifications. The coal and railroad strikes of 1922 are striking examples 
of the opportunities afforded the Communists for making and abetting dis- 
order. For the Communists thrive on disorder. Trouble is a rallying cry 
for them. They deliberately “plant” their agents in labor unions for the 
purpose of inspiring disorder. Their creed is to make capital out of strikes, 
riots, and every other form of popular unrest. Their plans for the coal and 
railroad strikes, which were so extensive a feature of 1922, were laid in 1921. 
Their sympathizers attend church meetings for the purpose of presenting 
arguments to weaken the faith of members of the church. They preach free 
love, the nationalization of women and children, and openly proclaim that 
the breaking up of the home ties is an advance in civilization. 

Many of the leaders of this movement in the United States are for- 
eigners who cannot speak the English language. In the ranks are large 
groups of non-citizens whose sole reading is the radical papers printed 
in their native language. Communist literature includes thousands 
of books, pamphlets, magazines and newspapers printed in various editions 
to meet the requirements for their foreign readers; fully a half score of 
languages other than English are found in this literature. ‘Much of the 
scheming is done by these foreigners, but a part of it, and practically 
all the putting into effect of the results of the conspiracies, is the work 
of native Americans. 

The raid at Bridgman will go down in history as one of the most 
important events in the war against Radicalism and World Revolution. 
Seventeen delegates to the convention were arrested on the spot and others 
were later apprehended in different parts of the country. All who were 
there have been identified by the records which were captured and which 
answer any pleas of alibis. The place of the convention was an ideal one. 
It was in a wooded valley on the estate of Karl Wulfskeel, less than a 
mile from Bridgman and about twelve miles each from St. Joseph and 
Benton Harbor. Small hills surrounded the meeting place from which 
lookouts could keep watch and give warning of the approach of strangers. 
The grove in which the convention was held is close by a few cottages, 
which the owner was accustomed to rent to summer campers and which 


[20] 


THE RAID AT BRIDGMAN 


served to house the seventy-odd delegates to the convention. The spot 
could be reached only by a wagon road, not in good repair, so that swift 
automobiles could not travel with sufficient speed to prevent flight. 

Watchers were also stationed in the town of Bridgman to note and 
report the presence of any strangers and on August 21, this foresight 
yielded its rewards. Word was also received from Chicago of a raid 
in that city on the offices of William Z. Foster, who was in attendance 
on the Bridgman convention, in his official capacity as head of the Trade 
Union Educational League. Foster and some of the higher-ups from 
Russia and the United States escaped during the raid but later seventeen 
were caught. Foster himself was arrested the next day in Chicago, and 
denied that he was at Bridgman—but the authorities had the minutes of 
the meetings, including rollcalls to which Foster answered “present,” and 
the text of the speech delivered by Foster. Denial was useless. 

Preparations had been made, as is always the case at the illegal meet- 
ings of the Communists, to secrete the records in case of discovery. In 
this instance a hole had been dug back of one of the cottages into which 
were dumped typewriters, mimeograph machines, adding machines, the 
private papers of the delegates and the official records of the convention 
when the authorities swooped down upon the conspirators. They are called 
conspirators advisedly, for the purpose of the Communist party of America 
is to overthrow the Government of the United States by violence, by armed 
revolution, and to make this country like present-day Russia. 

It is interesting to note that every member of the Communist party 
has what is known as a “party name,” by which alone he is known to the 
other members. Rule No. 12 of the regulations governing the meetings 
at Bridgman states that “no one shall disclose or ask for the legal name of 
any person present.” The identity of many members is unknown, al- 
though the party name of practically every member is now on record. 

The delegates who were in attendance at this illegal annual convention 
of the Communist party of America came from all parts of the United 
States. There were also present honored guests (albeit in an official 
capacity) from Moscow, bearing instructions from their chiefs, Lenine, 
Trotsky, et al., and they gave explicit orders as to what should be done 
in this country looking to its overthrow. There were present besides 
Foster, C. E. Ruthenberg, three times candidate for mayor of Cleveland; 
Ben Gitlow, the New York labor leader; Ella Reeve Bloor, who says 
she has been arrested more than a hundred times for radical agitation 
among workers; Robert Minor, J. Lovestone, Ward Brooks, direct repre- 
sentative of the Communist International, of Moscow; Boris Reinstein, 
representing the Red Trade Union International of Moscow; Rose Pastor 
Stokes, whose spectacular radical career is well-known; William F. Dunne, 
candidate for governor of New York on the ticket of the Workers’ party, 
a “legal” branch of the “illegal” Communist party, and many others. The 
seventeen arrested at or near Bridgman were Thomas Flaherty of New 
York; Charles Erickson, Charles Krumbein, Eugene Bechtold and Caleb 
Harrison of Chicago; Cyril Lembkin, W. Reynolds, Detroit; William F. 


[21] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


Dunne of Butte, Mont., and New York; J. Mihelic, Kansas City; Alex 
Ball, Philadelphia; Francis Ashworth, Camden, N. J.; E. McMillin, T. R. 
Sullivan and Norman H. Tallentire, St. Louis; Max Lerner, Seatile, and 
Zeth Nordling, Portland, Oregon. 


The convention was called to order on the afternoon of August 17 
by Comrade J. Lovestone, Secretary to the Central Executive Committee. 
Lovestone, whose party name is L. C. Wheat, had just returned from a 
trip to Germany where he secured $32,000 from the International Propa- 
ganda Bureau. At the head of this organization is Karl Radek, the no- 
torious Bolshevik who has been identified with the Communist movement 
since the time of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty and whose real name is Tobiach 
Sobelsohn’. The International Propaganda Bureau was organized for 
the specific purpose of pooling and distributing all propaganda funds so 
that the money could be quickly placed where most needed. A definite 
proportion of the funds collected in the United States is sent to this bureau 
in Berlin, a definite portion being retained for direct propaganda work 
here. 

The convention was quickly organized, committees appointed, and 
the work begun. William Z. Foster figured largely in the organization, 
he having been seated as a fraternal delegate by virtue of his position 
as head of the Trade Union Educational League. Comrades Ben Gitlow 
and Caleb Harrison were chosen chairmen by the “Presidium,” or govern- 
ing body, of the convention. 


The regulations governing the convention, drawn by the grounds com- 
mittee, illustrate the efforts made to prevent any knowledge of the pro- 
ceedings becoming known outside the secret circle. All persons were 
forbidden to leave the grounds without permission of the grounds com- 
mittee, and if granted this permission they must register when leaving 
and report when returning. “No person shall mingle with strangers,” 
reads Rule No. 4, and the next one provides that no persons shall be al- 
lowed to send messages or mail letters. Rule No. 6 reads, ““No incrimin- 
ating literature or documents shall be kept in baggage or in rooms. All 
such matter must be turned over to the committee every evening. The 
grounds committee must arrange for the safe keeping of this matter.” 


The rules prescribed the time lights should be out, what time the 
delegation should get up in the morning, and when they should bathe and 
that “all persons going in bathing must wear bathing suits.” Lest some 
trace of their plans become known it was forbidden to write on tables, 
seats, or any part of the premises, and all were prohibited from “throwing 
away papers or written matter of any kind;” it was provided that “all 
written notes, not longer required, must be handed to the committee for 
destruction.” Roll calls were held three times a day to guard against 
spies getting in or leaving, and all grants to leave the grounds must be 
reported at every roll call. 

Following the organization of the convention and the adoption of the 


1 Webster, Kerlen, Beckwith—Boche and Bolshevik, p. 27 (Beckwith). 


[22] 


THE RAID AT BRIDGMAN 


rules and regulations, Comrade Ward Brooks, of Moscow, addressed the 
convention in German. Notes taken in English by Comrade Max Bedacht, 
a member of the Central Executive Committee, were found among the 
buried records. At the outset of his address Comrade Brooks admitted 
that “for the first time since the Third International” the party was faced 
by really serious problems. He said: 

“The revolutionary situation immediately following the Russian Revo- 
lution gave its impress on the Communist International. It was thought 
that we were really at the beginning of the world revolution. Some say 
that this crisis will be the final one. Others that it will be followed by 
a period of prosperity.” 

Evidently prosperity is not to be desired, for the Communist movement 
thrives on the dissatisfaction of the masses. Throughout their literature and 
in all their speeches the Communists stress “class struggle,” preaching 
always the need of creating class consciousness as a step toward the “strug- 
gle.” Comrade Brooks’s explanation of the present situation follows in 
the next two paragraphs: 

“The situation is really that although the economic situation is bet- 
tering, still the political consciousness and the class struggle are sharpen- 
ing. Capitalism has no way out to regain complete health. The situation 
in the Entente is such that England and France are constantly at odds. 
America is at odds with the rest of the world. This leads to a great 
complication of interests. Thus the revolutionary movement is solidifying. 
Ireland endangers the position of Great Britain on the Continent. 

“Germany is the greatest proletarian power, with seventy per cent 
-urban population. ‘The bourgeoisie cannot for any length of time hold 
power. The slogan of a proletarian government by the German Com- 
munist party is not artificial, but is based on the desires of the proletariat. 
Germany is the seed of Europe. France is so closely connected with Ger- 
many that an uprising in Germany would ultimately lead to a revolution 
in France.” 

Comrade Brooks went on to report on conditions in Italy, Hungary, 
Czechoslovakia, Poland, Finland, Japan and Russia, painting the picture 
in brilliant colors for his American hearers, turning every defeat of Com- 
munist plans to victory by twisting the significance of the developments 
which led to the defeat and claiming the results as satisfactory to the 
Communists. Among other wild claims he made was that Russia herself 
had contributed ninety-nine per cent to the relief of the famine sufferers 
of that country. Then he turned to America. 

“The American situation. What has happened? Much and better. 
The Communist party in America sees more concretely, more definitely, its 
goal and also sees the methods. The tactical questions were never so 
intensively discussed as during the last year. This will fit them to take 
the lead in the class struggle. As far as results go nothing is to be seen 
as yet. Are we better or worse off than we were last year? Better, be- 
cause the party exists and knows why it exists. It is more fit for the 
purpose of the Communist party than it was last year.” : 


[23] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


Inasmuch as they were among themselves at Bridgman there was no 
need of pretending that the work of the Communists was legal. The differ- 
entiation of the legal and illegal branches was made clear, and the fact 
that the illegal branch is regarded as the more important and the con- 
trolling branch is plainly stated. For it is in the work of the illegal 
branch of the organization that the violations of the laws of the country 
are committed, the conspiracies fathered by Moscow and imposed upon the 
party in America are carried out. The report of the Adjustment Com- 
mittee, of which Robert Minor was chairman and of which Brooks and 
Reinstein of Moscow were among the members, consisted of revolutionary 
resolutions, which were adopted, as follows: 


“1. To multiply tenfold the activities of the whole membership of 
the Communist party in the trades unions is not only a question of the 
life and death of the party, but, alongside of another form of the work 
among the masses, the best counterbalance against controversies that tear 
the party to pieces. 

“2. The road to revolution in America leads over the destruction of 
the power of the yellow leadership of the American Federation of Labor. 
This aim can be accomplished only through work within the American 
Federation of Labor for the conquest of this organization. Therefore it is 
the main task of the Communists to work in the American Federation of 
Labor. 

“3. The main goal of the Communists in their trades union work is 
the unification of all organized labor into one federation. 


“4. The work in the independent unions must be carried on in the above 
spirit. The necessary and right amalgamations (not artificial ones) of 
independent unions within a certain industry or in local councils should 
be influenced by the Communists so that they are not carried through in 
a separatist spirit against the American Federation of Labor but as a step 
toward the general unification of labor and in support of the work within 
the American Federation of Labor. 

“Oo. The tendency for the formation of a national federation of inde- 
pendent unions or the amalgamation of local councils into a competing ~ 
federation against the American Federation of Labor is harmful. 

“6. The existing councils wishing to affiliate with the Red Trades Union 
International should not be discouraged but should be attracted under 
the condition that they support the trades union program of the party.” 


ILLEGAL PARTY MUST CONTINUE 


“1. The illegal Communist party must continue to exist and must 
continue to direct the whole Communist work. 

“2. The open work in all forms and especially in Number Two! is the 
main task of the party. 

“3. A legal Communist party is now impossible. Should conditions 
change, only a convention can change the party’s policy.” 


2 The legal branch. 


[24] 





THE RAID AT BRIDGMAN 





RELATIONS OF ONE AND TWO! 


“1. According to the thesis of the Second World Congress of the Com- 
munist International the réle of the Communist party in the Proletarian 
Revolution is, ‘The Communist party is the organized political lever by 
means of which the more advanced part of the working class leads all the 
proletarian and semi-proletarian mass.’ 

“2. The Communist party in its revolutionary outlook does in no 
country feel itself bound by the existing laws forced upon it by the bour- 
geois class state; not only in the historic revolution which it strives to 
bring about and which naturally cannot be carried out legally, but also 
in its activity in the period of preparation does the Communist party and 
the fighting proletariat come in open conflict with bourgeois justice and 
the organs of bourgeois state apparatus. Whether in spite of these facts 
the Communist party can exist as an open party, tolerated by the enemy 
as a so-called legal party, or whether it must exist as an illegal party de- 
pends upon a number of circumstances which differ in various countries 
and from time to time. Even an open Communist party must be armed 
for the eventuality of exceptional laws against it and also for the carrying 
out of many permanent tasks it must maintain an illegal apparatus. The 
present situation in America makes the existence of a legal Communist 
party, as it exists in Germany, France, Italy, etc., impossible. In spite of 
all differences America belongs in the category of countries like Finland, 
Poland, Roumania, Jugoslavia where the Communist party must be illegal. 
In spite of the fact that lately an extension of the possibilities of legal 
activities has taken place, prospects for the possibilities of an open Com- 
munist party within a reasonable length of time do not exist. The Amer- 
ican illegal Communist party, therefore, is and remains The Communist 
party, the only section of the Communist International in this country. 


“3. The centre of gravity of the Communist party lies in its open ac- 
tivities. The whole open work of all Communists in the legal political 
field, in the trades unions and all other organizations, and in the press, 
must be directed by the Communist party. The direction of this whole 
open work will not lead to a neglect of the illegal party work but, quite 
the contrary, will instill the party with real life and give its work political 
significance. It will direct its attention to the great problems of the 
struggle of the proletariat. It will establish the real connections between 
the party and the masses and their struggle. If in the future Number 
Two should become a revolutionary mass party which can openly and 
unrestrictedly operate as and call itself a Communist party, then the 
present underground organization will become an illegal apparatus within 
that party and must be adapted to the new situation and new functions. 
For the practical carrying out of these policies the following rules must be 
observed: 

“A. In all their activities the Communists are subject to the directions 


and discipline of the party. 


1 Illegal and Legal. 
{25] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


“B. Every member of the Communist party is in duty bound to be 
active in Number Two. 

“C. The Central Executive Committee will see to it that the directing 
body of Number Two will be subject to its guidance in the composition of 
its membership as well as in the execution of the political directions of 
the Central Executive Committee. All meetings of the Number Two must 
be prepared for by the Number One. This is especially important for the 
conventions of the Number Two which, under present conditions must be 
preceded by a convention of the Number One. 

“D. The same holds true for local party committees. 

“FE. The meetings of party committees of Number One as well as the 
organizations and groups of Number One must be devoted, along with inner 
organizational questions, mainly to discussions of plans of action in the 
open work. These meetings must not duplicate and thus hinder the open 
work but must become the driving force of the open activities. 

“F. The Number Two shall be recruiting ground for the Number One 
and must be the constant source of new forces. 
~ “G, No member of the Number One is allowed to neglect Number One 
work but must be in constant touch with the illegal organization. This 
must give the members backbone and direction for the open work. 

“H. The Central Executive Committee publishes monthly an illegal 
organ for the discussion of important party questions to be distributed 
among party members and sympathizers. By actual work the Central Ex- 
ecutive Committee must keep in constant touch with the membership so 
that its decisions are not carried out by purely mechanical means, but 
also and more important, by a thorough understanding of party policy 
and technique on the part of the membership. 

“I. The publication of illegal propaganda and agitational literature 
for mass distribution shall be adapted to political necessity whenever the 
legal possibilities are exhausted.” 


TO PROLETARIAN DICTATORSHIP 


“1.—The program of the Number Two must be short. A manifesto 
which in short, concise sentences, not in the form of a narrative or a 
syllogism, contains the declaration of principles. 

“‘2.—The red thread of the program is the idea and the practice of the 
class struggle. In this connection mass-actions should be dealt with. 
This part must be American; it must deal with partial struggles of the 
American masses as well as with the general struggle of the thirty million 
of American workers. In this portion must be stated the basic elements 
out of which our trade union tactics are developed. The fundamentals of 
the United Front should be here expressed. 

“3.—The political part must lead up to the climax of the proletarian 
dictatorship. This formula appears in contradistinction to the dictator- 
ship of the capitalists. American democracy must be analyzed.. Rule of 
the thirty million for the overthrow of capitalism as against rule of Wall 
Street for the conservation of exploitation. Soviet rule as the historic 
form of a proletarian regime in the transformation period. 


[26] 





THE RAID AT BRIDGMAN 


“4.—One or two sentences may be inserted in a fit place dealing with 
the yellows and reformists and against the policy of compromise.” 


CENTRISTS IN THE WORKERS’ PARTY. 


“The Workers’ party was organized to comprise not only Communists 
but also sympathizers who, although not yet clear-cut Communists, gravitate 
toward Communism and accept the moral and political leadership of the 
Communist International and the Communist party of America. From that 
point of view the decided non-Communists and anti-Communists (that is, 
opponents of the existing Comintern), especially when they belong to the 
caste of leaders, are not a desirable element in the Workers’ party, but 
are a disturbing and at times even a dangerous element. Even though at 
a certain period of development we are forced to accept such elements 
on account of their important following, we must do everything in our 
power to win this following for us as quickly as possible and to destroy 
the influence of the non-Communists. * * To the question of whether it 
would be better for us if they go sooner or if it were better they go later, 
we answer: at the present moment an open breach would mean a split, a 
weakening and compromising of the as yet extremely weak party. They 
may therefore remain; but even now already our Communist work within 
the Workers’ party must be doubled and trebled as well as our propaganda 
for the Workers’ party. 

“Especially dangerous are the positions of power of the centrists and 
half-centrists in the daily papers. This condition must be remedied im- 
mediately. First by organizational measures to get this press absolutely 
in our control; secondly, by the open criticism of their mistakes in the 
official organ of the Worker’s party which latter organ must be absolutely 
in our control; thirdly, by the establishment as soon as possible of an 
English daily paper.” 

The “Coordination of Communist Activity in the Americas’? was dis- 
cussed at length as a thesis presented to the convention. The chief point 
made in this thesis was that the Communists of the United States must take 
the lead in all Communist activity in the Latin American republics because 
they brand the Latins as backward, lacking in intelligence and in no way 
strong enough to accomplish anything without the support of the organ- 
ization in this country. The capitalists of the United States were con- 
demned utterly because they have invested so much money in Latin America, 
but no credit, naturally, is given for the work of aiding the countries to 
the south of the United States by giving employment to the people and by 
developing the natural resources. This extension of capital for use in 
Latin America is called “imperialism” by the Communists and the warning 
is sounded that the American capitalists are thus extending their influence 
for the purpose of finding labor to import into the United States to 
break strikes. It is also stated in this thesis that: 

“The introduction of an exotic capitalism into Latin American countries 


1 This daily Communist paper was recently established in Chicago. 
2 See Appendix A. 


[27] 





REDS IN AMERICA 





has opposed to a backward and unripe proletariat the highly developed bour- 
geoisie of the most powerful capitalistic nation in the world, with the 
military resources of the United States at its command. The fight is 
unequal. Isolated, the Latin American workers can not hope to defend 
their interests successfully against their mighty adversary. They need 
us as well as we need them. A proletarian revolution anywhere in Latin 
America is well nigh impossible until there is a revolution in the United 
States. Wall Street, with its billions of dollars imperilled, would crush 
it immediately. American imperialism, economic and political, is the 
instrument of exploitation throughout the western world. In Latin Ameri- 
ca, as in the United States and Canada, the Class Struggle is a struggle 
against Wall Street.” 


Throughout the minutes of the convention, and also in all Communist 
literature, the letter “X” is used to refer to the Trade Union Educational 
League, of which William Z. Foster is the head and organizer. This is done 
in order to aid Foster in his efforts to avoid conflict with the authorities 
and to make the American people and his opponents in labor union 
circles believe that it is not connected with the Cemmunist movement. 
Foster was a member of the committee which drew up the resolutions on the 
Relation of the Communist party to the Trade Union Educational League, 
adopted by the convention. These resolutions provide specifically that 
the illegal branch of the party must always be in control of the League. 
They read as follows: 


“1.—The party recognizes the “X’ as one of the most important factors 
for the revolutionizing of the trade and industrial unions and therefore 
will take all the necessary measures in order to develop and strengthen it 
through the active participation of the membership of the party to its work. 


“2.—The formulation of the trade union policies by the party must be 
based upon the closest contact of the party with the experiences of the 
trade union nuclei. 


“3.—The general control of the Number One nuclei within X as within 
all other organizations must be in the hands of the party and not in the 
hands of the special committees. 


*4.-Contact must be established between the executive committees of 
the party and the executive committees of the X. 

“S.—Number One nuclei within the X must be made to function 
regularly.” 

The most important event, in the eyes of the delegates, was the speech 
of Foster himself before the convention. His hostility to Samuel Gompers 
and to the American Federation of Labor, of which Foster is a member, 
was shown in his address. He told of the work done among the railroad 
workers and the miners leading up to the strikes of 1922. He counselled 
violence in overthrowing the Government of the United States. He told of 
his dealings in person with the authorities in Moscow and how the leaders 
in Russia understood the situation in this country. His speech in part 
follows: 


[28] 


THE RAID AT BRIDGMAN 


“The fate of the party depends upon its control of the masses. The 
trade union work is one of the most important things in order to get control 
of the masses. The influence of the masses can be measured by the amount 
of control we happen to have in the trade union work in all countries. We 
have seen the Socialist party here go to pieces, more so than in any other 
country of the world. The Socialist party in Germany suffered, but not 
like the Socialist party here. It is practically outside the labor move- 
ment. There is nothing left of it. 

“One of the prime reasons is that the Socialist party in this country 
never understood the importance of industrial work; never had an indus- 
trial policy. It seemed to go along on the idea that the Socialist party 
should be an organization of citizens in general, and did not realize that 
the foundation had to be the workers, and not only the workers but the or- 
ganized workers. The Socialist party never realized that the key to the 
working class lies through organizations that carry on bread-and-butter, 
every-day struggles. The consequence was that the Socialist party has 
wavered ever since it was formed. The Socialist party never crystallized 
itself. It fell into the hands of Debs, and Debs has been a man who has 
never really grasped the significance of mass organizations. As a con- 
sequence, the Socialist party developed a wing that stood for dual organ- 
izations, a left wing. The right wing stood for working in trade unions 
in mild milksop fashion. They used the trade unions merely as vote- 
getting machines. They did not attach first-rate importance to them. The 
left wing, led by Debs, Haywood and others, had the idea of dual organi- 
zations, the right wing had an idea of going along in trade union work 
mildly. 

“The result was a compromise between the two positions. They en- 
dorsed the principle of industrial unionism but failed to direct the active 
work or attempt to put it into practice. The Socialist party had an in- 
dustrial program, but they failed because of lack of organized effort. 
When the war came along, the Socialist party took a stand against the war. 
The result was that Gompers by controlling strategic points was not only 
able to sway the masses in favor of the war, but the whole working class 
as well, and the Socialist party failed to realize the necessity of intrenching 
itself in these masses and found itself at the end of the limb, amounting 
to nothing. The whole working class turned against it because it was 
foolish enough to allow their unions to remain in the hands of the bureauc- 
racy. The split that came along completed the job because of their faulty 
industrial policy. They could have withstood solidly but, because they 
had no backing of the workers, they collapsed. 

“The Communist party is not going to make the same mistake. This 
laying so much stress on the importance of the trade union work is one of 
the most helpful features of the movement. When we lay stress on the im- 
portance of this work, we realize that we must capture the trade unions if 
we want to get anywhere. Different Communists differ as to the importance 
of capturing the unions in the revolutionary struggle. Some say that the 
trade union, does not amount to anything; that it is just a neutral organ- 


[29] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


ization and will never become a revolutionary unit. Others say that it 
is one of the really revolutional instruments of the workers and will function 
as such in the revolutionary struggle. Syndicalists take the position that 
trade union work is the only thing. Although we may differ as to the 
positive value of the trade union work, we must agree with the negative, 
namely, that it is absolutely impossible to have a revolution in the 
country unless we will control the mass trade unions. This fact alone 
should justify the policy that the Communist party of the United States 
is working out. If we wish a revolution, we must have their support. 

“After our delegation came back from Moscow last year, it brought 
with us a program which we thought was a good practical program for 
this country, and we want to tell you this—a lot of people say that those in 
Moscow do not understand the situation. I want to dispute that. I 
found in the Red Trades Union International and in the Communist Inter- 
national and generally in Moscow, a keen understanding of the fundamentals 
of our situation in this country. I can say that I found a better under- 
standing of the general fundamental situation in America than we can boast 
of here. It was a peculiar thing to find men like Radek and Lenin telling 
American revolutionary organizations that their industrial policy was 
wrong. Radek said, ‘Your delegation that you had here at the previous 
congress of the Communist International seemed to be too anxious to get 
away from the trade unions.’ They do not know details but understand 
basic principles of trade unionism, and these fellows were too anxious to 
find excuses to run away. 

“Radek knew that these fellows were wrong because of his general 
knowledge of the international situation and fundamentals of the labor 
movement. Radek stated that every policy that we are now undertaking 
we should put into effect. Every leading man in Russia took that position. 
The important thing is that we finally arrived at a practical foundation 
for a trade union policy in this country. We came back with this policy 
and started to put it into effect. It was laid before the Central Executive 
Committee aud endorsed and also before the Number Two and endorsed, 
and we were instructed to undertake to organize the Trade Union League. 
We began in February. The program initiated was to simultaneously 
set up groups in all parts of the country. It was a very good conception 
and should have worked out better than it did, but unfortunately most of 
the people were not clear and did not get as good results as should have 
been gotten. 

“However, we succeeded in establishing branches of the League in 
practically all important centres of the country. Some of these branches 
are small, but I think we have reached the point of development where we 
no longer measure the importance of revolutionary organizations by size. 
In some places where there are only one or two men, more results are ob- 
tained than where they have larger organizations which spend time fight- 
ing and not doing real work. We formed this league, but in forming it 
we were under a great disadvantage. We did not dare to say it was a 
Communist organization. It was necessary to camouflage to a certain 


[30] 





THE RAID AT BRIDGMAN 


extent, and for that reason it had to start differently. The ideal way 
to have started this league, was to call a national conference and there 
adopt a program, endorse the Red Trades Union International program 
and send it out broadcast. We were unable to do that because it would 
immediately have been labeled Communist. The alternative was to start 
it and have the Chicago league function as the national organization un- 
til it had union connections established and could call a national con- 
ference. That has been the proposition up to the present time. The 
Chicago League served as the national organization. We picked its ex- 
ecutive board which mapped out a policy and served as a national organ- 
ization. We now have reached the stage where we can call our national 
conference. 

“Before I touch on the conference, I would like to say that we started 
this League with an idea to making it a paying organization, but we had to 
abandon this idea. In spite of the financial loss, we had to give it up, be- 
cause the American labor movement is in such a state and the bureaucracy 
is so ruthless and so weak that we run a great danger of expulsion for dual 
unionism, and it was necessary to have an organization that did not carry 
cards but more of a diffuse proposition so that they could not put a finger 
on it and clean it out. 


“In France they started out with a policy of accepting affiliation from 
organizations endorsing its program. It was a left block organization. The 
program was very general in character, to overthrow the yellow bureaucracy. 
The affiliations from local and national unions and sympathetic ones even- 
tually resulted in fact that the bureaucracy was able to charge them with 
having a dual labor movement, and convinced the rank and file and the 
French trade unions that the R. S. C.1 was in reality a dual labor movement, 
and not only convinced a great portion of them that that was the case, but 
also convinced the leaders of the R. 5S. C. themselves that it was an unad- 
visable thing. 

“The reason urged for the split was that it was a dual organization. 
Before the split occurred, the R.S.C. abolished the proposition of accepting 
affiliations and therefore their organization, to some extent, was on the same 
basis as the Trade Union Educational League, but it was too late. The 
fight was made and even by stopping the affiliations it did not have the 
desired effect of taking away the unions. When the R. S. C. was formed 
it in many respects was analogous to our own league except that it was dom- 
inated by syndicalists, and the Communists were in a minority, whereas in 
the United States the league is in the hands of the Communists. They paid 
no attention to excepting dues when discussion on fundamental policy was 
adopted. Afterwards they found out that it was a great handicap. We de- 
cided to accept neither affiliations nor organizations without dues, but rather 
function in a more advanced manner, at least until we were well intrenched 
on a firmer basis without danger of expulsion. We have succeeded in making 
an inroad into a number of organizations. In fact, I find that the American 


1 Revolutionary Socialist Committee (France). 


[31] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


trade union movement is very receptive to a great deal of the program. 

“The situation on the railroads: we have carried on work not only 
in the mining districts, but were particularly successful in the railroad 
trades. To show the ripeness of the American trade unions for this kind 
of proposition, to concentrate on explaining the situation will be as good 
as any. We started out with the railroads with a program of industrial 
unionism. There are sixteen organizations on the railroads. We started out 
with laying stress on the proposition of industrializing the situation, and 
started a movement for amalgamation. The trade unions connected with 
the Trade Union Educational League were instrumental in sending out several 
thousand letters through local unions. In the face of the convening of the 
railway employees’ convention, we sent out a letter with the idea of industrial 
organization to the rank and file and delegates to that convention (500), 
ninety-eight per cent being highly paid officials getting from $400 to $700 
a month, more than the presidents. When the convention came together, 
Knudson and I spoke to as many delegates as we could and the result was 
that between sending out these letters and one meeting, we set up a stampede 
among the delegates of the convention and had a majority on record for 
our program. 

“This shows conditions as they were at the convention. Samuel Gompers 
came to Chicago for the purpose of spiking the league and preventing it 
from having any effect on the convention, and he held a public meeting 
and advanced the league as being financed by Moscow and out to destroy 
the unions. He sent a man there to address the workers. He was denied 
the right to speak to the convention, but in spite of all that, we succeeded 
in stampeding these under-officers for that much of the program. Could 
that happen in France or any other country where a lot of fellows could 
stampede a convention of high-paid officials? It could not be done. In 
no other movement in the world is there such a thing. If we were able to 
stampede the majority of this convention, what can we do with the rank and 
file? The president of the railway employees’ department issued a challenge 
to me to the effect that these people who talk industrial unionism should 
help them get down to something concrete and something definite. 

“We drafted a program for industrial unionism and sent out 11,000 
copies to every trade union in America. This cost the party absolutely 
nothing. It was so organized as to pay for itself. The trade unions in 
Minneapolis and St. Paul raised the money and circularized all the railroad 
unions in the country. We knew that the strike was coming along and tried 
to be on the job. The strike occurred with the result that there was the great 
object lesson of bosses using one section to defeat the other. The leaders 
were cowards and did not dare tell the men that the brotherhoods were at 
work. It fell upon our league to show the men this. We were the only 
element in America to point out the lessons of this strike. The leaders did 
not dare to mention it and we did it. The result has been that our propa- 
ganda has run like wildfire through the railroad men of the country. 

“So far in the railroad situation we have merely talked industrial union- 
ism to them. We have not raised the issue of the Red Trade Union Inter- 


[32] 


THE RAID AT BRIDGMAN 





national and various other issues. If we have not raised them our enemies 
have and in the campaigns wherever the officials have taken a hand in it, 
they said that the Trade Union Educational League is purely a Communist 
organization, and the rank and file know definitely whom its program has 
come from and what is involved. In such a desperate state, and destitute 
of leadership on the part of any of the officials, they are accepting it any- 
how. During the strike I could go before them and talk anything at all. The 
wall has broken and we have succeeded in getting a grip in these organiza- 
tions and have got them coming our way. We have got to break the mo- 
nopoly of the press. 

“The bureaucracy of the trade unions has got the press which is one 
of the secrets of control, and we must try to aim at that—the breaking of the 
monopoly of the press, and with the great volume of sentiment we could 
succeed. 

“I am not trying to overstress the importance of industrial trade union- 
ism. The workers of America are ready for new ideas. There is nothing to 
be got from the old machine and if we will go to them, they will listen to 
what we have got to say. In our conference we should be very careful about 
the program that we adopt. As far as I am concerned, we should adopt 
a clear-cut revolutionary program. Adopt a proposition indorsing Russia 
and indorsing the dictatorship of the proletariat in Russia. Adopt a reso- 
lution calling for the affiliation with the Red Trade Union International 
without qualifications. Adopt a program calling for industrial organiza- 
tions, and adopt a revolutionary program as a basis of our work. Popularize 
it and let it be spread broadcast. It is a strange thing that some of our 
men who are most extreme radicals left us and advocated the idea that we 
go careful on the industrial field. It is a strange situation, but natural.” 


The relations of Number One and Number Two, that is the illegal and 
legal branches of the party, to each other was set forth in a thesis that was 
adopted by the convention. It was prepared with great care by an important 
committee of which J. Lovestone, executive secretary of the party in Amer- 
ica, was chairman. It provides for the permanency of the illegal branch set- 
ting forth explicitly that even after the Communist party becomes strong 
enough to come out in the open the illegal branch will be necessary to 
direct the conspiracies of the party. It says at the outset, in discussing the 
“necessity of a Communist party”: “all experience in the modern class 
struggle proves that the working class can emerge victorious only after de- 
veloping an organ of leadership in the form of a highly disciplined Com- 
munist party, thoroughly conscious of revolutionary principles and tactics. 
The first task of the Communists is, therefore, to develop such a party.” 


The authors of this thesis point out that while education and propa- 
ganda are necessary in preparing for the final great armed revolution, it is 
more important that all Communists have a major task in the “participation 
in all the struggles of the workers as the most active force.” The inciting 
“masses,” not individuals or even small groups, to violence is held to be 





1 See Appendix B. 


[33] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


the chief effort to which the Communists should lend themselves. It holds 
that “the leadership of the masses of the exploited can be attained only by 
directly engaging in all their struggles together with the masses of the 
workers.” It is then urged that political organizations are necessary and 
states that “in America it has become the most urgent, immediate task of the 
Communists to secure a public, open, so-called ‘legal’ existence as an organ- 
ization.” The significance of the following paragraphs is obvious. 

“A truly revolutionary (i. e. Communist) party can never be ‘legal’ in 
the sense of having its purpose harmonize with the purpose of the laws made 
by the capitalist state, or its acts conform with the intent of capitalist law. 
Hence, to call a Communist party ‘legal’ means that its existence is tolerated 
by the capitalist state because of circumstances which embarrass the capi- 
talist state’s efforts to suppress it. The revolutionary party can avoid sup- 
pression into a completely secret existence only by one or both of two means: 

“a. By taking advantage of the pretenses of ‘democratic forms’ which the 
capitalistic state is obliged to maintain. By this means the Communists 
can maintain themselves in the open with a restricted program while estab- 
lishing themselves with mass support. 

“bh. (Later stage) By commanding such mass support among side masses 
of workers that enable them to proclaim publicly their final object in the 
revolutionary struggle and manoeuvre openly to attain this object regardless 
of the desire of the capitalist state to suppress it. It is necessary at the 
present time (and circumstances make it the most urgent immediate need) 
to resort to the first of the before-mentioned methods of open contact with 
the working masses; which means to maintain an open political party with 
a modified name and a restricted program.” 


The thesis continues: 
“A legal political party with such restrictions cannot replace the Com- 


munist party. It must also serve as an instrument, in the complete control of 
the Communist party, for getting public contact with the masses. It must 
mobilize the elements of the workers most sympathetic to the Communist 
cause, with a program going as far toward the Communist program as pos- 
sible while maintaining a legal existence. It must, with a course of action 
in daily participation in the workers’ struggle, apply Communist tactics and 
principles, and thus win the trust of the masses, and prepare them for the 
leadership of the Communist party.” 

Again it is declared that: 

“The overthrow of the capitalist system can only come through the 
overthrow of the capitalist state.” 

“To accept this view is to accept the certainty that the capitalist state 
will find itself in violent conflict with the masses led by the Communist 
party. While the capitalist state retains the governmental machinery, and 
as the struggle grows sharper in approaching the final struggle, the capitalist 
state will inevitably strike again and again at the revolutionary party in the 
effort to destroy it. After the Communist party shall have established itself 
in the open, it must be prepared for and must expect to be driven out of a 
‘legal’ existence from time to time. The Communist party must at all times 


[34] 


THE RAID AT BRIDGMAN 


be so organized that such attacks cannot destroy it. It must perform its 
functions of leadership in the class struggle no matter what tactics the ruling 
class adopts—open as far as possible, secretly as far as it must.” 

For this reason, it argues, the underground machinery of the Communist 
party, that is, the illegal machinery, is not merely a temporary device, but 
is for permanent use. 

“There is never a time,” it states, “previous to the final overthrow of 
the capitalist state, when a truly revolutionary party does not have to per- 
form a considerable amount of work free from police knowledge and inter- 
ference. The Communist party will never cease to maintain its underground 
machinery until after the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat 
in the form of the Workers’ Soviet Republic.” 

It is held to be necessary for all members of the legal party to become 
members of the Number One, or illegal part of the party, and it is impressed 
upon all members of the Number One to be supporters of the legal political 
party. Then the thesis urges activity in the work of Communist party cau- 
cuses, in the ranks of the trade unions, constantly striving to alienate con- 
servative members of the unions from their conservative ideas, thus increas- 
ing the sphere of influence of the radicals in the union ranks until they 
become all-powerful. 

The Pittsburgh District presented a thesis complaining of lack of action 
at the present time. This thesis said that the party was not thinking enough 
of its immediate work in America, was relying too much on instructions and 
orders from abroad (meaning Russia), and that it was and always must be 
largely in control of foreign elements because the English-speaking workers 
always get the easiest jobs. It says: “The Communist party is not organized 
for itself and for the satisfaction of idealists, but we are a rough fighting 
organization, aiming to bring about a mass movement in this country led by 
us.” 

Comrade Lovestone also presented “a brief statement of the progress and 
aims of the African Blood Brotherhood” which calls for a liberated race, 
“liberated not merely from alien political rule, but also from the crushing 
weight of capitalism”; absolute race equality, “political, social and eco- 
nomic’; the fostering of race pride, “fellowship within the darker races and 
with the class-consciousness and revolutionary white workers”; higher wages 
and lower rents. The entire program is intended to incite the negroes to 
attain by violence the ends specified. 

The work of The World War Veterans was also highly commended by 
Lovestone, who presented to the convention the constitution and by-laws of 
the organization and a declaration of principles which has many revolution- 
ary features. It declares its unalterable opposition to any form of compul- 
sory military training, and to “any interference, official or unofficial, with any 
right secured by us by the first amendment to the Federal Constitution.” 
It also expresses sympathy with and states that the organization shares the 
aspirations of “the people of India, Egypt, Ireland and Russia.” 

The split in the Communist party of America in December, 1921, when 
three members of the Central Executive Committee broke away from the 


[35] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


majority members and continued publishing their illegal paper under the 
same name as that used officially by the party, The Communist, was taken 
to Moscow for settlement. Each faction sent representatives to Moscow, and 
the authorities there decided in favor of the majority, ordering the minority 
faction to return at once to the fold and the majority faction to receive them 
without prejudice. This in explanation of the following messages received 
from Moscow and read to the convention. The first, a cablegram, reads: 
“BOTH SALESMEN RETURNING HOME WITH FULL IN- 

STRUCTIONS FROM BOARD DIRECTORS STOP POSTPONE 

STOCKHOLDERS MEETING UNTIL THEY ARRIVE STOP AC- 

KNOWLEDGE RECEIPT.” 

This cablegram was signed “Block and Company” and apparently re- 
lates to business matters. “Block and Company” are Comrades Jake Cannon 
and Bittleman, agents for the majority faction sent to Moscow. They, of 
course, are the “salesmen.” The “board of directors” is the comintern or 
governing body of the Communist Third International, and the “stockholders 
meeting” is the convention at Bridgman. If it had been postponed the raid 
might not have taken place. The second message was a radiogram, also ap- 
parently a business message, which reads: 

“HENRY CURTIS DOW COMPANY INSTRUCTED QUIT 

USE OUR FIRM NAME AND TRADEMARK STOP THEY MUST 

DISSOLVE AND REJOIN OUR COMPANY IMMEDIATELY OR 

LOSE THEIR STOCK STOP JOHN IS WIRING THEM TO QUIT 

COMPETING AND ATTACKING OUR BUSINESS STOP YOU 

MUST ACCEPT THEM WITHOUT PREJUDICE AND POST- 

PONE SHAREHOLDERS CONFERENCE SO THEY CAN PAR- 

TICIPATE.” 

“Henry Curtis Dow” are the party names of the minority members 
who seceded from the Central Executive Committee; the “firm name and 
trademark” are the Communist organ. “John” is John J. Ballam of Win- 
throp, Mass., who was sent by the minority leaders. 

Comrade Lovestone then read from the “‘news letter’! sent out from the 
party headquarters with instructions to “rush to every group”’ the informa- 
tion that “Comrade Cook, member of the Presidium of the Comintern and 
the Presidium of the Red Trade Union International, has been ordered to 
return home (from Moscow) immediately, with full instructions from the 
Communist International,’ and urging all districts to hold themselves in 
readiness to call hurried meetings to hear the instructions. He says in this 
news letter that the Central Executive Committee, by a vote of five to five, 
had decided not to postpone the Bridgman Convention in spite of instruc- 
tions to do so. This was doubtless because of the preparations already 
made for holding the meetings and the difficulties of disseminating the news 
of the postponement without letting the secret be known. 

The imperative need of a “united front” of the workers was also pre- 
sented by Comrade Lovestone in a thesis on political activity.2 After stating 


1 See Appendix D. 
2 See Appendix E. 


[36] 


| MEWCOMB CARLTON, enesioenr _ 


- Received at 


SFAMERICA 


- NALLY. series 
Se stein rani 


- stor You MST ‘ACCEPT THEM eit a PREAUDICE mo ) POSTPONE SHAREHOLDERS 
CONFERENCE SO THEY CAN PARTICIPATE — 


CONFIRMATION. (Orel 
TINS MIESSAGE WAS TELEPRON EA, OL 
TELEPHONE: :BROAD 5100 * Pt eh sr01 sans action on inc a ie or i veal e be presented at the office 


; r preceding site Sse af Origin: 


Cablegrams sent by the Executive Committee of the Third (C ommunist) Taber 
national to the convention of the Communist Party of America in session at Bridgman, 
Mich. The messages have been decoded in the text (Des) 





© 
~~) 
4 
; 
(7 
. 
, , 
a 
n ae, 


cf 4 
) 
Dae y 
Bun! 
Ft eee | 
ti. 
Tan 
~ 
» 
6 
a ei 


é 
vue 





t 


mre 








THE RAID AT BRIDGMAN 





that “‘a united front of labor, a solid phalanx of the working class drawn up 
in battle against the forces of the capitalist class and the capitalist state is 
the prerequisite of the victory of the proletariat,” he declared that the groups 
of workers already in the labor organizations and independent groups 
of workers must unite to attain this end. Without mentioning names, 
he referred repeatedly to the “treacherous leaders” of organized labor who 
have fought the idea of the labor party, and cautions that because of this 
the word “labor” must be kept out of the name of the new party. He ap- 
proves the support of the labor organizations when they have united on an 
independent candidate for office, but warns against lending support to the 
labor unions when the latter are supporting the candidates of any other 
party. 

“The basis for a united political front,” he says in announcing the 
program for the coming elections in the United States, “which will embrace 
the working masses, has not yet been created in the United States. To enter 
into a political federation with existing political organizations, none of 
which has the support of the masses of the workers, would be to negate 
the possibility of creating a real united front of the workers politically. 
The Workers’ party will, therefore, as a rule, nominate its own candidates 
in the coming elections and carry on its campaigns independently.” 

In referring to the platform, he says: “The platform must raise as the 
issues of the campaign immediate questions of the class struggle such as 
unemployment relief, the open shop, the use of the injunction against the 
workers, opposition to industrial courts, etc.” He also says that special per- 
mission may be secured from the Central Executive Committee to place a 
candidate on the ticket of an existing working class political organization if 
it is impossible to launch an independent ticket. 

An exhaustive report of the activities of the party, especially in rela- 
tion to the organization itself, followed. This report bitterly assailed the 
minority trouble-makers, and precipitated a scorching debate, but docu- 
ments found by the authorities show that this trouble was settled by the resig- 
nation of the three trouble-makers and the election of Robert Minor, A. 
Wagenknecht and E. Browder in their places. This was in obedience to the 
mandate from Moscow, and resulted in the unification of the party in Amer- 
ica. This settlement of factional fighting within the party was followed by 
the issuance of a “special bulletin,” one copy to be sent to each group in 
the country, with the injunction to “read this carefully: study each point 
thoroughly; and then make sure this is put into action.” The bulletin deals 
with the relations of the members in legal and illegal work of the party, and 
states that the organization is enlarging its scope of work, and that new respon- 
sibilities are imposed on each member. The features of the conspiracy laid 
bare in this document, with the injunction of secrecy are foreign in nature 
to the American mind, but are a part and parcel of the communist work. 

“All members of the Number One,” says the bulletin, “must join the 
Number Two, and activities of the latter are to be broadened as extensively 
as possible. We have no room for anyone who does not participate whole- 
heartedly. Number One must be strengthened by all possible means. No 


[37] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


ened 
in I 


liquidators will be tolerated and all rights must be watched. Every mem- 
ber of Number One must submit to an iron discipline in both Number One 
and Number Two. If anyone is called upon to do a certain task, he or 
she must carry it out unflinchingly. . . . . 

“All addresses of connections of Number One must be kept in code, and 
all incriminating material is to be kept absolutely safe; if possible out- 
side of the place where you live. All records of Number One must be kept 
safely and the identity of the members of Number One working in offices 
or upon committees or in units of Number Two, as well as their relations 
to Number One must not be exposed. . . . . All groups are to have 
alternate captains. All branches are to have alternate branch organizers. . . 

“We must endeavor to have a majority of our members on all impor- 
tant committees, and all our members to fill the offices of Number Two. .. . 
Use nothing but the Real Names in Number Two. Get used to speaking in 
terms that will not in any way reveal connections with Number One. Do 
not discuss any of the specific affairs of Number One in meetings of Number 
Two.” 

Under the head of Industrial Activities the bulletin says: 

“The proper conduct of this line of activities is dependent upon the 
alertness and understanding of our forces, and must be controlled and 
guided by Number One—the same principle applies here as was laid down 
before, that all decisions as to policies and fundamental principles, as well 
as tactics, are to be decided upon by Number One before being carried out 
in Number Two. We must organize nuclei of members of Number Two, 
and work as a unit within these nuclei, and become a live factor in all the 
activities; but at all times keep our forces intact. We must endeavor to 
create left wing militant groups within the labor organizations in which we 
must also become the leading factor.” 

The end of this illegal, secret, mysterious convention came suddenly. 
On the afternoon of August 20, William Z. Foster saw on the grounds a man 
whom he recognized as a Government official. Within a half hour he was 
on his way to the railroad station at Bridgman with several of the other 
delegates. He did not warn his comrades but promised to send more watchers 
from Chicago. The next day the watchers in the town of Bridgman reported 
the presence of Chicago detectives arriving in town. In view of these facts 
the Presidium decided to end the convention that day and so notified Comrade 
Caleb Harrison, who was presiding. The Presidium called a special meeting 
for the final proceedings which were rushed through with machine-like speed. 
It was then night, and no raid had come, but the delegates were warned of 
their danger, the grounds committee advised everyone to leave, and the 
records, private papers, etc., were buried in the hole already prepared for 
such an emergency. But there was no train they could take from Bridgman 
before morning so many of the delegates decided to stay in the grove. Dur- 
ing the night several made their way carefully out of danger, and in the 
morning the officers gathered in those who were left. 


[38] 


CHAPTER TWO 


In PouitTiIcAL FIELDS 


Existing political parties in the United States are more loosely organized 
than ever before in their history. There is little party discipline and political 
consciousness which involves deliberate consideration of party principles is 
non-existent or at a lowebb. Therefore, political contests resolve themselves 
into personal contests, and the tendency is towards a government of men 
rather than government of laws. Many causes have contributed to bring 
about this state of affairs but there has been no more potent one than that of 
the Communist-radical movement itself. The objective is best illustrated 
by the present political situation in England, where party lines are more or 
less completely obliterated and there has risen a workers’ party, controlled by 
a secretly organized minority, with Moscow always in the background giving 
moral aid and financial assistance. In other words, the realignment has 
been along class lines. In the development of this realignment in the United 
States, the revolutionaries have approached the objective by both direct and 
indirect methods. There has been the formation of a direct action political 
party, called the “Workers’ party” which is absolutely dominated by the 
illegal Communist party, and in turn by the Third International at Moscow. 
With the capture of the documentary evidence at Bridgman, Mich., the 
political manipulations of this alien group are now thoroughly understood. 
There can be no further doubt either of the objective or the methods which 
are being employed. 

But of the insinuating methods used under the cover of respectability 
_and regularity, methods of which secrecy is a prime requisite for success 
and which will eventually bring about revolution by legislative enactment, 
or pave the way for revolution by force, only too little is generally under- 
stood. One difficulty which retards understanding of this angle of the prob- 
lem is the necessarily complicated machinery which has been set in motion 
to accomplish the result. Few people stop to square details with general 
principles. The fact that there is now in Congress a bloc which is bent on 
carrying out the detailed behests of the Communist party, repudiating at the 
same time the name by which the movement should be designated, and that 
this bloc is itself built up on class lines, is not an accident but the best 
evidence of design. 

Until that time has arrived when a workers’ or labor party has been 
built up with sufficient strength to carry elections under its own name, the 
eradual disappearance of the regular party lines may be expected. It is a 
situation which presents very little natural opposition to those who would 
use the machinery of party government for subversive purposes. In fact, 


[39] 





REDS IN AMERICA 





it favors the entrance of radicals into the political field through regularly 
established channels. The radicals have a positive program as opposed to 
those more conservative who either have no program or one that is more 
or less neutral. They have a positive advantage which is difficult to over- 
come, and all of which is quite in harmony with recognized psychological 
laws. 

When a radical, having received the approval of the Republican or 
Democratic party machinery, is presented to the electorate, the citizen must 
vote in the last analysis for or against the Flag which in times past has stood 
for certain definite principles. There is no middle ground. The choice is 
usually made with no such thought in mind, for to make it a conscious thought, 
there would be required a knowledge of men and events, a grasp of the 
principles and science of government and the use of careful analytical powers 
such as few possess. Consequently, mere inaptitude for political thought 
which is a common characteristic, favors the election of the more dramatic 
figure or that one which has a positive program no matter how fantastic or 
opposed to sound principles that program may be. 

The Communist party of America has presented candidates for office 
many times to different electorates, under the legal emblem of the open polit- 
ical organization known as the Workers’ party. In the raid upon the illegal 
convention at Bridgman, William F. Dunne who at that very time was a candi- 
date of the Workers’ party for the governorship of New York State, was 
arrested. He was a member of the Central Executive Committee of the 
Communist party of America, and by virtue of such membership, he was 
one of ten who controlled the Communist movement in this country under 
direct orders from the Executive Committee of the Third International at 
Moscow. He is still (1924) a member of the Executive Committee of the 
Workers’ party. It is not at all likely that Dunne could ever be elected as 
governor of. New York on any ticket. The Communist party of America 
does not number more than 30,000 persons throughout the whole of the 
United States, and a majority or more are aliens not naturalized. To hope 
that as a party with this numerical strength the Communists could carry 
an election is fatuitous even to them. The danger does not lie in this direc- 
tion. A proper conception of the strength of the Communist party in the 
political field can be attained only by recognizing the fact that a large number 
of people and their political leaders are believers in political and economic 
projects which are a part of the Communist party program, developed by 
the Third International at Moscow but which in detail are not recognized 
by them as a part of a definite and inclusive program. It is not permissible 
to call such persons “Communists,” no matter how closely their ideals ap- 
proximate those of the Communist party. One may include them within the 
definition of the word “radical” but that word in reality means little. The 
meaning of “progressive” has been utterly perverted, and its use to cover 
a socialistic-communistic political movement can best be expressed “by a 
shorter and uglier word” familiar to everybody. 


[40] 


IN POLITICAL FIELDS 


The objective of the Communist party is political and economic control 
of the country through manipulation of an uneducated minority, using the 
idea of communism as a means to an end. Those who are cleverly directing 
the policies are certainly aware of the fact that all history shows the futility 
of communism as a political system, and this raises immediately the ques- 
tions as to their sincerity. But in the accomplishment of this objective, the 
leaders are quite ready to use many things and people at this time which, 
as their plans develop, would be of little or no use to them later. To the 
Communists, present usefulness of a project might depend on many factors 
such as the simple tendency to upset established customs or institutions, 
inherent possibilities or value for agitation or the promotion of unrest, 
violence and crime, the breaking down of family life, or the decrease of the 
authoritative influence of religion. All or any would contribute to a state 
of flux or an instability of which world revolutionaries would take full 
advantage. The time for radical change in anything is not now. 


Therefore, the political influence of the Communist party extends far 
beyond the confines of its own membership, permeating the minds and con- 
trolling the thought of large numbers who would violently resent the impli- 
cation that they were Communists. The subversiveness of the Communist 
party does not lie so much in the violence which it threatens but in the 
insinuation of ideals and ideas which are undermining our representative 
republican form of government. When these facts are taken into considera- 
tion, the strength of the Communist party in political fields immediately 
assumes a tremendous aspect. Under our present definition of the word 
“radical” we are justified in regarding radicals as conscious or unconscious 
tools of the Communist party, helping in the cause of world revolution, 
brushing aside the question as to the willingness with which the tools might 
accept such a designation. 


The warning has gone forth from the headquarters of both major 
political parties that there is danger of radicalism in their respective ranks. 
The warning was entirely justified. The voter has no protection against 
the insinuation of personages on political tickets whose ideals do not 
square with those who were the founders of the Republic. Insinuations 
of this sort, operating through the formation of nuclei, are not confined 
to the political field. Agents are planted in labor unions, social and 
society circles, and in eleemosynary organizations for the purpose of 
gradually securing the adhesion of dissatisfied individuals and factions 
for the support of the Communist cause or at least to secure the non- 
opposition of the more conservative. This is done concisely and with de- 
sign as a part of a plan. Again, in the field of politics, some candidates 
for office running on “regular” tickets have the direct and secret support of 
the Communist party and its friends, the backing of whom results from 
definite promises. Other candidates, however, be it said to their credit, 
stand squarely for honest Americanism and against the cohorts under the 
Red banner which would destroy the American Government, home and 
church. 


[41] 


REDS IN AMERICA 





In formulating a judgment as to the activities of the Conference for 
Progressive Political Action, due regard must be paid to all that has been 
presented above. As an organization, it has chosen to assume a name 
which misrepresents its political objective. It has made the gesture of 
refusing to seat delegates from the Workers’ party which is the legal branch 
of the illegal Communist party. Its political program parallels that laid 
down by the Moscow overlords in the “next tasks of the Communist party 
of America” (Appendix F), and carried to its logical conclusion, would 
lead to “‘workers’ control.” The program, therefore, is simply a means to 
an end. Even the Executive Committee of the Third International at 
Moscow, has no word of criticism for the Conference for Progressive 
Political Action, for in discussing this organization in its thesis on 
the “Workers” party on the United Front” (Appendix E), it says in effect 
that in the field of general politics now covered by the Conference, the 
methods used are not applicable in the field of labor. From a technical 
standpoint it may not be possible to designate the Conference for 
Progressive Political Action as an important “front” for the Communist 
party, or to place it along with the Friends of Soviet Russia as an open 
legal branch of the Communist party of America. As a matter of fact, the 
“Conference” is doing exactly the work which the Communist leaders at 
Moscow have evidently allocated to it, whether the personnel of the 
“Conference” is aware of that fact or not. 

To call it a socialist organization as opposed to communist is specious, 
for in a thesis on tactics adopted by the Third International, the Moscow 
group rightly say: “the realization of socialism is the first step towards the 
communist commonwealth.” 

Following is something of the history and personnel of the Conference 
for Progressive Political Action, which has succeeded in attracting the 
adherence of a part of the following of the late Theodore Roosevelt. 

Townley and the Non-Partisan League, having stolen the machinery 
of the Republican party in North Dakota, were finally driven from power 
through operations of the recall. In July 1921, Non-Partisan leaders left 
over from this defeat and Socialist party leaders of the more radical types, 
met in Detroit and passed the following resolution: 

“Be it Resolved: That the incoming national executive committee be in- 
structed to make a careful survey of all radical and labor organizations in 
this country with a view of ascertaining their strength, disposition and 
readiness to cooperate with the socialist movement on a platform not incon- 
sistent with that of the party.” 

“This survey was made and it was found, as every one knows, that 
there was a vast amount of unrest, distrust, ill feeling and class conscious- 
ness; that the farmers were disgruntled at the fall in prices; that the work- 
men were sore at the cut in wages; that the consumer was of the belief 
that somewhere along the line he was not getting a square deal; that busi- 
ness was in a bad way; that the persistent use of the term profiteer had 
caused the people to believe every business man dishonest and unfair; that 
the railroads, after being returned to their owners, were having a hard 
struggle to function properly; that money was tight, etc. In other words, 


[42] 


IN POLITICAL FIELDS 


they found the very foundation upon which they hoped to lay their cam- 
paign for political control most favorable. The only question was how 
to proceed to gain that political control.” 


“Committee meetings were held in November, 1921, and it was agreed 
that any conference of all radicals called by the socialist party would fail 
of its purpose. In consequence the call was not issued at the instigation of 
radical leaders of some labor organizations, which had been drafted into 
the great socialist scheme to nationalize the railroads of the United States, 
under the name of the Plumb Plan. The actual call was headed by William 
Johnston of the International Machinists’ Union, the leading union in the 
1922 railroad strike and bore the name of LaFollette’s organization, the 
People’s Legislative Service of Washington; of which Johnston is secre- 
tary and treasurer. Johnston is a socialist and an ardent advocate of the 
present Russian form of government.” 


It is obvious that, to be effective, the interest of the radical farmer 
must be aroused. To this end, it was no accident that Ben Marsh working 
with Townley from the latter’s headquarters in Washington on the day 
that Johnston sent out his call for delegates from all radical movements to 
meet in Chicago, Feb. 20 and 21, 1922, sent out a call to the known rad- 
ical farmer movements to have delegates meet in Chicago on Saturday, 


February 18, 1922. 


Both conferences met according to plan. Townley with his Non-Partisan 
League, the LaFollette organization of farmers in Wisconsin, Marsh’s organ- 
ization known as the Farmers’ National Council, and a few radical Granges 
and farmers’ union, had delegates present. Marsh and Townley dominated 
the meeting. “They proceeded with the usual socialist harangue of damn- 
ing capitalism, and charged all defects in farming from short crops to 
grasshoppers to Wall Street. The socialist scheme of stealing party organ- 
izations was endorsed. The name adopted for the amalgamation of all 
radical farmer movements was The United Farmers National Bloc. <A 
pronounced radical was made president, and the present vice-president of 
the Non-Partisan League made vice-president. Then the delegates to this 
convention in body moved over Monday, to the radical convention called 
by Johnston, in keeping with the socialist resolution to which reference has 
been made.? 


“In this Monday convention, February 20, 1922, were to be found dele- 
gates from every radical movement in the United States, and while the 
newspaper reports said the I. W. W. and the Communist were excluded, yet 
it would appear from later articles in the New York Call, the leading 
daily Socialist paper in this country, that they were not excluded, but were 
present. : 

“Here again the system employed in the alleged farmers’ meeting was 
adopted. Fiery speeches were made by radicals of all kinds. Capitalism 
was blamed for all human ills. Soviet Russia was lauded. The man who 


1 Fred R. Marvin, ‘My Country, ’tis of Thee’ (Beckwith) p. 8. 
2 Marvin—vide supra. 


[43] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


pays the wages was condemned as tyrannical. The plan of the socialists 
to unite under one common head all radical movements in the land was 
approved. But no party name was adopted since it was not proposed to 
act as a party, but rather to adopt the Townley scheme of ‘stealing’ party 
names through going into the primaries of one of the old parties—the plan 
so successfully employed in North Dakota and Wisconsin. The names 
‘radical,’ ‘socialist,’ ‘labor,’ ‘farmer,’ ‘industrial,’ etc., which had been 
used in the past were dropped, and there emerged an organization 
known as “The Conference for Progressive Political Action,’ to be directed 
until the next convention to be held after election this fall, by a committee 
of fifteen. 

“This conference agreed that in the States which were to be attacked 
through this system of stealing party names, local conditions should govern 
action—that is, in one State it might be the Democratic party, in another it 
might be the Republican party; in one State it might operate under the name 
of “The People’s Reconstruction League’ and in another under some other 
name, or it might operate without any accepted name—just work to ‘steal’ 
one of the party names.” 

“This is the organization that is, today, directing socialist and radical 
activities in a large number of states, including Colorado. The dropping 
of every name employed in the past and adopting the term progressive, is 
deceiving a large number of loyal persons. * * 

“That the movement is of radical origin and not-for the good of the 
people, the State or the nation, is clear. First, referring back to the reso- 
lution adopted by the socialist convention upon which resolution the call for 
the conference that formed the Conference for Progressive Action was 
based—and remember a similar call in 1907 by the same elements resulted 
in the formation of the I. W. W. Further, from the time of the issuance of 
this call socialist and radical papers had much to say of the good that would 
result. Johnston was lauded in the socialist papers for his action and the 
purpose was unanimously endorsed. For several weeks preceding the con- 
vention, the New York Call, at that time the leading socialist paper in the 
country, contained much laudatory comment of the proposed gathering.” 

At that time the confederation known as the Conference for Progressive 
Political Action consisted of the following organizations: 

1. The “Big Four” Railroad Brotherhoods. 

2. Railroad crafts which are a part of the American Federation of 
Labor and which include the United Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way 
Employees and Railway Shop Laborers, the International Association of 
Machinists, the International Brotherhood of Blacksmiths and Helpers, the 
Sheet Metal Workers, the Brotherhood of Railway Electrical Workers, the 
Brotherhood of Railway Car Men, the International Brotherhood of Boiler- 
makers, the Order of Railroad Telegraphers, the Brotherhood of Railway 
Clerks, the International Brotherhood of Stationary Firemen and Oilers, and 
the Brotherhood of Railroad Signal Men. 


3. The United Mine Workers, affiliated with the American Federation 
of Labor. 


4, The Amalgamated Clothing Workers, an open, legal branch of the 
Communist party. 


[44] 


The Red Napoleon 


Joseph Pogany, known in the 
Hungarian Communist party as 
Schwartz, his alias in the United 
States being John Pepper and his 
American party name, Joseph Lang, 
is the representative of the Third 
(Communist) International of Mos- 
cow on the Executive Committee 
of the Communist party of Amer- 
ica. He was present at the illegal 
convention of the Communist party 
at Bridgman, Mich., but succeeded 
in escaping capture. A check for 
$25.00 signed by Bishop William 
M. Brown of Galion, Ohio (Epis- 
copal) made payable to “Joseph 
Lane” and similarly endorsed was 
found on the grounds after the 
raid. 


Pogany was originally an Hun- 
garian journalist, and has a long 
career in promoting world revolu- 
tion to his credit. The following 
has been written of him by an 
eye witness. “He is still suspected 
of having been the ringleader of 
the gang which murdered Count 
Stephen Tisza; he was responsible 
for the agitation which, during the 
Karolyi régime, made the reorgan- 
ization of the army impossible; and 
it was he who led the demonstra- 
tion against the War Ministers, 
Count Festetich and Barta, which ended in the resignation of those ‘last shadows of 
the ancient régime.’ It was Pogany who protested against the proposed preventive 
measures against the Communists in February and March, 1919; and it was he who 
led the ‘naval’ detachment when it liberated Béla Kun-Cohen from his confinement 
in the barracks of the First Honvéd Regiment in Ull6éi-Gt, and who later on, after 
the fight in Conti-utca, helped to prepare the way, both actively and passively, for 
the final ‘triumph’ of March 21. His share in the work of demoralizing the army 
predestined him for the post which he obtained, that of Commissar for War.” 





Under Béla Kun-Cohen’s regime, Pogany in the space of four short months 
became successively Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Commander-in-chief of the Red 
Army and Commissar of Education. He was known to be heartily in sympathy with 
the reign of terror as instituted and maintained by Szamuelly and his army of 
“Lenin boys.” 


During this period, there .was an enforced production of Pogaéany’s play 
“Napoleon” in Budapest. This with his ponderous physiognomy and nimble mentality 
secured for him the sobriquet of the ‘‘Red Napoleon” or the “Bolshevik Napoleon.’ 
When Hungary was finally liberated from alien rule, Pogany escaped to Russia and 
with Béla Kun-Cohen presumably remained there for the following two years. 


Pogany-Schwartz-Pepper-Lang was Known to have arrived in America a few 
weeks before the Bridgman Convention, with orders from Moscow for American 
Communists and with instructions to take charge of the revolutionary forces in this 
country. How he entered is not known, and for that reason his presence here is 
illegal—an alien revolutionary. His first appearance was at a meeting of a radical 
Jewish Federation in the Bronx from which there was a hasty exit. It appears 
that during this secret meeting, a blundering policeman entered the hallway of the 
building and began to ask innocent questions. The janitor, knowing what was going 
on, gave the alarm and those present disappeared down the fire escapes to meet 
again in another place. After the Bridgman raid Pogéany disappeared, but was 
known to be in correspondence with Communists as late as December, 1923, when 
it was variously stated that he was in Canada with Béla Kun-Cohen or in Chicago. 





Pogany speaks Hungarian, German and Russian but no English. His articles 
in the Communist party publications are forceful and it has been said that when 
he writes, it is with an authority and knowledge of the technique of revolution and 
with an eye single to future events that is not equaled. <A critical examination of 
his literary work gives plain evidence that it is usually deleted of its more radical 
thought to avoid conflict with the authorities. 





IN POLITICAL FIELDS 





5. The Non-Partisan League, composed largely of farmers in the North- 
western States, which has received the sympathetic endorsement of the 
Communist party of America. 

6. The Farmers’ National Council. 

7. The Farm Labor party, later merging into the Federated Farm-Labor 

arty. 
: 8. Women’s Trade Union League. 

Of the original National Committee of the Conference for Progressive 
Political Action, William H. Johnston was the chairman and Warren S. 
Stone the treasurer. Some of the personal histories and connections of the 
Committee are here given:? 


William H. Johnston, Washington; president, International Association 
of Machinists; lecturer, Rand School of Social Science; National Advisory 
Committee, National Labor Alliance for Trade Relations with and Recog- 
nition of Russia; National Council, League for Industrial Democracy; 
secretary-treasurer and member of the Executive Committee of LaFollette 
People’s Legislative Service; vice-president, People’s Reconstruction League; 
Board of Directors, Labor Publication Society; Executive Committee Amer- 
ican Civil Liberties Union. Has been accused of saying that he “sees 
ee advantage in the establishment of a soviet government in the United 

tates. 

Warren S. Stone, grand chief, Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers; 
member of the National Council, People’s Legislative Service; member of 
Committee on Primaries of same organization; organizer of Labor Banks 
in Cleveland and New York. As grand chief of the Brotherhood, he is 
responsible for the political activities of its official journal and its ultra- 
radical editor, Albert F. Coyle. 

William Green, Indianapolis; secretary, United Mine Workers of 
America. 

Sidney Hillman, New York; president of the Amalgamated Clothing 
Workers; has visited Soviet Russia and obtained concessions for the re- 
establishment of the clothing industry in that country, capitalizing this by 
selling stock to workers in this country; Defence Committee I. W. W. The 
Amalgamated has been shown to be an open, legal branch of the Communist 
party of America. Of the documents seized at Bridgman, there was a report 
to Moscow of the work of organizing nuclei in trades unions by the Com- 
munists in which it was stated: “At best the prospects of our influencing 
the labor movement (in the United States) are mainly in the predominantly 
Jewish organizations like the International Ladies’ Garment Workers, 
Amalgamated Clothing Workers, Hat, Cap and Millinery Workers, etc.” 
(See p. 136.) 

Joseph A. Franklin, Kansas City, Kansas; president, International 
Brotherhood of Boilermakers, Iron Ship Builders and Helpers of America; 
member, National Council, People’s Legislative Service; member, Execu- 
tive Committee, People’s Reconstructive Service. 

E. J. Manion, St. Louis, Mo.; president, Order of Railroad Telegraph- 
ers; chairman, Nominations Committee, Conference for Progressive Po- 
litical Action; member, National Council, People’s Legislative Service. 

Edward Keating, Washington, D. C.; editor, Labor, official organ of 
the Conference for Progressive Political Action; former member of Congress 
from Colorado. Of Labor, it has been said: “It is one of the most radical 

and untruthful publications published. Its advocacy of violence is persist- 
ent. There is nothing too scurrilous and even defamatory for it to print 
regarding public officials and even the President of the United States. Its 
untruthful campaign against the Supreme Court could not be equalled even 


i Vide, Railway Review (Chicago), January 27, 1923. 


[45] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


Se See ae pe a ar Pa A Sa a aS TEES Se eee Ee 


if openly presented by the Communist International and its well trained 
corps of propagandists. Indeed, the language appearing in Labor and in 
foreign Communist papers, impels one to believe the writing is that of one 
and the same person.” * Keating was formerly Plumb Plan manager. 
Morris Hillquit (Misca Hilkowitz), New York; national secretary, 
Socialist party of America; joint publisher of the New York Call, Socialist 
and pro-Soviet daily paper, now defunct; instructor and lecturer, Rand 
School of Social Science; national council, League for Industrial Democ- 
racy; National Committee, American Civil Liberties Union; one of the 
original founders of the Intercollegiate Socialist League; contributing editor, 
Labor Age; chairman, Committee on Organization and Finance, Conference 
for Progressive Political Action. (Vide also Lusk Committee Report.) 


Benjamin C. Marsh, Washington, D. C.; managing director, Farmers’ 
National Council; managing director, People’s Reconstruction League; 
publicity representative, Plumb Plan League; advocate of Single Tax, and 
nationalization of public utilities. 

Jay G. Brown, Chicago; national secretary, Farm-Labor party; formerly 
secretary of the National Committee for Organizing Iron and Steel Workers, 
a position once held by William Z. Foster. He was also a former L.W.W. 
organizer and was a director in Foster’s Trade Union Educational League, 
a branch of the Communist party of America; Friends of Soviet Russia, 
legal branch of the Communist party of America. 

George H. Griffiths, Minneapolis; National Non-Partisan League. 

Fred C. Howe, New York City; National Committee, American Civil 
Liberties Union; special writer, Federated Press; Board of Directors, Co- 
operative League of America; former Commissioner of Immigration (under 
President Wilson) at the port of New York, “a position from which he 
resigned following a congressional investigation into his alleged neglect of 
duty and radical activities because of his unauthorized action in releasing 
alien radicals held for deportation by the Department of Justice (Congres- 
sional Record of 66th Congress, pages 1522, 1523) ;” chairman, Committee 
on resolutions and member of National Council, People’s Legislative Ser- 
vice; contributing editor, Labor Age; Defense Committee, I. W. W.; organ- 
izer, School of Thought, Siasconset, Nantucket, Mass. 


Miss Agnes Nestor, Chicago, Women’s Trade Union League, an organ- 
ization which is regarded by the Communist party of America as a part of 
its united open front against capitalism; assistant director, Bryn Mawr 
Summer School for Women Workers in Industry, Bryn Mawr College; 
Advisory Committee, Workers’ Education Bureau of America. Among her 
other radical activities during the past twenty or more years, Miss Nestor 
with Mrs. Raymond Robins organized an agitative parade in Chicago 
designed to stimulate public interest in the release of Big Bill Hayward, 
on trial for murder. The Chicago Tribune at the time called it an “anar- 
chist parade.” 

Basil M. Manly, Washington, D. C.; for many years a radical lobbyist; 
director, People’s Legislative Service; author of publications distributed 
by the Rand School of Social Science; contributing editor, Labor Age, a 
weekly radical paper which is the successor of the Socialist Review, official 
organ of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society; former member of the War 
Labor Board and of the National Industrial Conference Board under Pres- 
ident Taft; Defense Committee, I. W. W. 


The above list comprises the names of those who directed the destinies 
of the Conference for Progressive Political Action as originally made up. 
There have been some resignations among those who regard themselves 


1 The “Searchlight Department” editorial page of the ‘‘New York Commercial’, by 
Fred Marvin, January 4, 1924. 


(46] 


IN POLITICAL FIELDS 


as among the more conservative, and the following ones have been added: 

D. B. Robertson, Ohio; president, Brotherhood Locomotive Firemen 
and Enginemen; member Committee on Resolutions, People’s Legislative 
Service. 

James H. Maurer, Harrisburg, Pa.; president, Pennsylvania State Feder- 
ation of Labor; president, Labor Publication Society of Chicago, publisher 
of Labor Age; member, National Executive Committee, Socialist party, 
1921-1922; chairman, Workers’ Education Bureau of America; member, 
National Advisory Committee, National Labor Alliance for Trade Relations 
with and Recognition of Russia; lecturer, Rand School of Social Science; 
member, National Committee, American Civil Liberties Union; member, 
(alternate) Board of Directors, Co-operative League of America. 

Benjamin Schlessinger, New York; president, International Ladies’ 
Garment Workers of America, subsidiary to the Amalgamated Clothing 
Workers, open, legal branch of the Communist party of America. 

H. F. Samuels, Idaho; farmer and merchant. 

D. C. Dorman, Montana; farmer; member, National Council, People’s 
Legislative Service; member, Executive Committee, People’s Reconstruc- 
tion League; national manager, Non-Partisan League; secretary-treasurer 
of the Montana State organization of the C. P. P. A. “Dorman swore that 
he did not believe in the Constitution and was opposed to the Flag of the 
United States; that the Flag was nothing but a rag, or words to that effect, 
and that the Government was no Government at all and should be des- 
troyed.” Affidavit of Judge L. J. Palda, case of Ray McKaig vs. Frank 
Gooding, New York Commercial, Oct. 20, 1923. 

J. B. Laughlin, Boxchito, Okla.; president, Oklahoma Farm Laboz 
Union of America. 

Alice Lorraine Daly, South Dakota; Non-Partisan League. 

John M. Baer, Washington, D. C.; former member of Congress from 
North Dakota; cartoonist for Labor and other radical publications; member 
National Council, People’s Legislative Service. 

Here, then, is a group of people, some of whom are known Communists 
at heart if not in fact, others having direct connection with the Communist 
party of America both through personal contact and by virtue of their 
leadership in organizations, recognized as a part of the united front of the 
Moscow cohorts in the United States. The constituent organizations of the 
Conference for Progressive Action comprise a membership of about two 
million members, it is claimed, and it is certain that Labor, its official organ, 
reaches readers to the number of approximately a million and a half. That 
it is well financed is shown by the fact that, as a paper, Labor costs much 
more than it brings in, that the Washington office employees of the Confer- 
ence number more persons than are employed in the headquarters of either 
the Republican or Democratic National Committees, and that it has just 
purchased a plot of ground in Washington on which to erect a four story 
marble and limestone building. A publicity fund has been raised for the 
purpose of furnishing speakers and disseminating literature, and for 
supporting the Federated Press, which is so closely allied to the Communist 
party of America as to be regarded by the Communists as their official 
press association. Several officials of the Federated Press are known to be 
active Communists. It supplies radical news and propaganda to more than 
two hundred daily and weekly newspapers in the United States, according 


to statements by its officials. 


[47] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


The Conference for Progressive Political Action is now rapidly organ- 
izing through the mid- and far West for the 1924 campaign. Inasmuch as 
stealing party names was endorsed at the second Cleveland convention, it 
is certain that its future activities will include “boring from within” the 
organization of whatever party happens to be the strongest locally. In 
states that are Republican, because most of the voters have the Republican 
habit, this organization secks to control Republican nominations. In states 
where the Democratic habit prevails, the aim is to make the nominations 
radical. In short, the words “Republican” and “Democratic” have no 
significance to these political pirates. For instance, in counties, conserva- 
tives are satisfied with nominations for strictly local offices and give 
in trade for such support help to radical candidates for Congress and other 
legislative positions. 

The method of organization is about as follows: a county chairman 
is selected in each county, being picked because of his ability to organize 
a spread propaganda. The choice is made by the leaders and not by the 
local members of the organization. This chairman then selects four vice- 
chairmen, one a wage-earner, one a farmer, one an ex-service man, and one 
a woman. If the county is strongly unionized, then the first vice-chairman 
must be a member of a labor organization that has in no wise antagonized 
the people. The ex-service man is to be a member of the Legion if pos- 
sible, and if not possible, one is picked from the Spanish-American War 
Veterans. | 

The farmer vice-chairman is selected from the leading organization of 
farmers. If the Farm Bureau is the most influential, then he is selected 
from this. If he has been prominent in the dominant political party, that 
fact is an added qualification in considering his fitness. If he has been 
prominent in the opposite party, he can give as a reason for change the 
fact that he has no hope for the salvation of the farmer through the action 
of the party that he is leaving. The fourth vice-president is always a 
woman, preferably some one prominent in lodge or church work with 
extensive acquaintance and organizing ability. She must be intelligent 
enough to grasp a talking acquaintance with the slogans of the Conference, 
one who can make a handy speech and who because of her personality and 
activity has a personal following. 

In the two years of its existence, the Conference for Progressive Po- 
litical Action, with frankly communistic connections and with a program 
which parallels in many respects that of the Communist party of America, 
has succeeded in accomplishing this: 

It has crystallized the small amount of radical sentiment to be found 
in the national legislature at all times; furnished this nucleus with aid 
and comfort; given it a standing by forcing upon it a positive program; 
disciplined it, thereby giving it advantages which are to accrue from such 
measures. 

It has backed this element in its home districts and secured reelections; 
added to its strength by influencing the election of other radicals and 
brought the whole group to a point where by voting EN BLOC on certain 


[48] 


IN POLITICAL FIELDS 





maiters, it exercises the functions of a majority party notwithstanding the 
fact that its members were elected (with two exceptions) on regular party 
tickets. 

In 1922, the Conference for Progressive Political Action en- 
dorsed among others for senatorships, the following: 


McKellar of Tennessee Ralston of Indiana 

Frazier of North Dakota Swanson of Virginia 

Kendrick of Wyoming Howell of Nebraska 
In 1923, the Conference endorsed: 

Dill of Washington \ 

Wheeler of Montana Democrats - 

Ashurst of Arizona J 

La Follette of Wisconsin 

Brookhart of Iowa Republicans 

Norris of Nebraska 


Shipstead of Minnesota 
Johnson of Minnesota 


All of the above named were elected.. In addition the Confer- 
ence claims to have secured the election of Gov. Sweet of Colorado 
and Gov. Walton of Oklahoma, both Democrats. Preparations for 
the 1924 campaign are being enthusiastically pushed. 


Literature of the organization is sent into every state where there are 
to be elections, advocating the choice of selected candidates and 
declaring its adherence to certain radical policies. In many instances it 
is known that the supporters switched from one party to another, voting 
for one candidate in the primaries and another at the elections. This is 
exactly what was done in Pennsylvania; the radical element, backed by the 
Conference, was solidly behind Burke in the primaries, and its followers 
were later instructed to vote for the Democratic candidate at the election. 

In the declaration of principles there is appeal for action with many 
arguments taken from the code of the Communists. It is a part of the Com- 
munist work here to make similar appeals through legal channels with 
the intent of alienating Americans from the Flag as a step toward the pro- 
letarian dictatorship to be established here following the exact pattern of 
that now existing in Russia. This declaration refers, on Communist lines, 
to “a long record of injury and usurpation,” and says in part: 

“The history of recent years is a history of repeated injuries and usur- 
pation by the servants of this oligarchy in both the dominant parties; all 
having as their direct object the establishment of an absolue tyranny and 
plutocratic dictatorship within these United States. Life, liberty and hap- 
piness all have been sacrificed upon the altar of greed. To prove this let 
facts be submitted to a candid world. 

“They have stifled free speech, throttled free press, and denied the sacred 
right of assembly. They have used the Federal Reserve System, controlling 
the life blood of the nation’s credit, as an instrument to deflate and crush 


Farm-Labor party 


[49] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


farmers and independent business men and cause nation-wide unemployment. 
They have obstructed every honest effort to relieve the distress of agriculture 
thus caused and have used every influence to secure betrayal of the farmers’ 
interests. ! 

“They have conscripted 4,000,000 men and boys while they permitted 
corporations and individuals to extort unconscionable war profits and have 
sacrificed the soldiers’ just demands for equitable compensation to the dic- 
tates of Mellonism and the selfish interests of tax-dodging capitalists and 
profiteers. They have abolished the taxes upon excess profits of corpora- 
tions and have reduced the taxes upon incomes of millionaires. They have 
used the army and the troops and police forces of States and cities to crush 
labor in its struggles to secure rights guaranteed by the Constitution.” 

Playing directly into the hands of the Communists in agitating radical 
legislation, the Conference for Progressive Political Action puts forward 
as its platform startling proposals affecting taxation, court proceedings and 
Government ownership which are worthy of the efforts of the cleverly tricky 
Communists, whose method of procedure is to advance any kind of theory 
to effect changes, in the belief that the more changes made, the easier it will 
be to bring about the great change, the establishment of the Dictatorship of 
the Proletariat. Among the proposals in this remarkable platform is one 
providing that any decision of the Supreme Court of the United States may 
be reversed by a vote of Congress. Thus, distasteful court decisions may 
be nullified as soon as the Radicals can get control of Congress—and the 
fight for this is now being waged. 

Another provision is that all dwellings, farmhouses, farm machinery, 
farm improvements, household furniture and tangible personal property be 
exempted from State and local taxation, and that all funds be raised by 
taxes levied on incomes above a certain amount, business profits and cor- 
porations. Unemployment and old age pensions and a Federal workmen’s 
compensation insurance fund are also advocated. This would result, they 
believe, as do the Communists, in breaking up what they love to call the 
“capitalist State.’ The Plumb plan of Government ownership of railroads 
and other public utilities is naturally included in the platform and the 
Conference is now practically the only source of propaganda in this country 
for nationalizing of the railroads. 

Not satisfied with the plan to nullify decisions of the Supreme Court 
by vote of Congress, the platform of this group of radicals advocates State 
legislation providing that no act of any State Legislature shall be declared 
unconstitutional if any one member of the Supreme Court casts his vote in 
favor of the constitutionality of the measure. This, of course, would tend to 
weaken the safeguard that the courts of the country give to all citizens and 
would bring the entire judicial system of the country into disrepute, so that 
the coming of the proletarian dictatorship would be made more easy. New 
banking features are also advocated which would tend to concentrate the 
savings of workers in a way which would permit of their being used more 
readily and in greater amounts for the provocation of unrest and other 
unwise purposes. This is included in the proposal advanced for the organ- 


[50] 


LNeVOUG PLT GA LGM Ee EDS 


ization under government charter of cooperative banks with full banking 
powers designed especially to enable farmers and factory workers to mobil- 
ize their own resources. 

A provision is also advocated that laws be enacted prohibiting inter- 
ference by Congress either with injunctions or in any other way with the 
right of labor to organize, strike, picket, boycott and otherwise “to carry on 
industrial controversy by peaceful means.” The Communists include vio- 
lence in strikes as a cardinal principle, and now this alleged Conference for 
Progressive Political Action seeks to restrain the Government from the use 
of the only judicial means of preventing violence in labor warfare aimed at 
the Government. 

Constitutional amendments in all States and Federal legislation are also 
advocated permitting cities and other units of Government to own and oper- 
ate all classes of public utilities, including markets, cold storage plants, coal 
and food supplies; and authorizing cities, counties and other units of Gov- 
ernment to issue bonds to raise the money to purchase these public utilities 
and supplies. This is just what the Communists are working for in their 
illegal political organizations as a preliminary step to the overthrow of the 
Government by force of arms. 

The next step taken by this group of radicals is to catechize every nom- 
inee to Congress. A questionnaire is prepared and sent to all candidates 
for congressional election without regard to party affiliations before each 
election. A copy of this questionnaire is sent to every labor union member 
and every other person in sympathy with the labor union and radical move- 
ments, with the request that the local unions and all local radical and so- 
called progressive organizations take the matter up in their meetings and 
besiege the congressional nominees with the questions. These questionnaires 
are headed with the peremptory demand, “Answer must be Yes or No!” 
In substance, they read as follows: 

1. If elected to Congress will you work and vote to repeal the Esch- 
Cummins railroad law? 

2. If elected to Congress will you work and vote against the ship sub- 
sidy and subsidies of all other special interests? 

3. Do you believe that five men on the Supreme Bench who have not 
been elected by the people, and who cannot be rejected by the people, should 
be permitted to nullify the will of the people as expressed by their repre- 
sentatives in Congress and the Executive in the White House? 

4. If elected, will you work and vote for a constitutional amendment 
restricting the power of the Supreme Court to nullify acts of Congress? 

5. lf elected, will you work and vote against compulsory arbitration 

and all attempts to destroy and restrict the rights of labor to organize, 

bargain collectively, and strike? 

6. Will you work and vote for a clean-cut Federal statute prohibiting 
Federal judges from issuing injunctions in industrial disputes? 

7. Will you work and vote to reinstate the taxes on excess profits and 
maintain the taxes on big incomes? 

8. Will you work and vote against a sales tax on the food and neces- 
sities of the poor? 

9. Will you work and vote to reduce appropriations for the Army and 
Navy to a pre-war basis? 

10. Will you favor increased Federal appropriations for education? 


[51] 





REDS IN AMERICA 





11. Will you work and vote for a special tax on war grafters and 
profiteers to pay the soldiers a just compensation? 

12. Will you work and vote for a law to take the profit out of war by 
manufacturing battleships, munitions and other implements of war in Gov- 
ernment plants only? } 

13. Will you work and vote for a clean-cut corrupt practices act which 
will put an end to Newberryism? 

14. Will you work and vote for the abolition of child labor and a con- 
stitutional amendment for that purpose if necessary? 

The public exposure of the Workers’ Party of America as a branch of 
the Communist Party resulted in the refusal of this Council to seat delegates 
from the Workers’ Party in the Cleveland convention (1922) but the Coun- 
cil’s work is greatly favored by the Communists because of its efforts to 
disturb the functioning of the Government. 


It is frequently difficult to link individuals and organizations with the 
actual illegal Communist machine, but it is known that many members of 
the various labor unions, as well as of the American Federation of Labor, 
are members of the Communist party. The Brotherhood of Locomotive 
Engineers, whose president, Warren S. Stone, is treasurer of the Conference 
for Progressive Political Action, issue from its headquarters at Cleveland, 
O., a publication called “Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers Journal,” 
of which Albert F. Coyle is “acting editor and publicity manager.” On 
July 18, 1922, Coyle, who is a Yale man, wrote to Robert Minor, at present 
a member of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist party of 
America, a letter beginning “Dear Comrade Minor,” in which he states that 
he is trying to make the Journal “a real voice of the producing classes, in- 
terpreting to them the big social, political and economic movements of the 
day,” and refers to a meeting with Minor at the 1920 Convention of the 
Intercollegiate Socialist Society. 


This is but one of many such connections that unite individuals 
prominent in labor union circles with the Communists. The principles of 
many of the union leaders, as expressed in their public and private state- 
ments, coincide with remarkable fidelity with the principles of Communism. 
It is, indeed, no secret that the radical wing of the American Federation of 
Labor, led by William Z. Foster, is allied with the Communist party of 
America and is controlled by the “underground” or illegal organization of 
that party. The fight between Samuel Gompers and Foster for leadership 
of the American Federation of Labor is the reason ascribed by many for 
Gompers’ alleged conservatism—the only means by which he could retain 
personal independence by combating the pronounced radicalism of Foster. 
The latter’s Trade Union Educational League agencies through which the 
illegal party works is controlled absolutely by the Communists. 

Directly associated with these organizations comprising the Conference 
for Progressive Political Action is the National Federation of Federal Em- 
ployees, which is affiliated with the American Federation of Labor and in 
which are a number of Communists. These Communists are keeping well 
under cover and their membership in the Communist party is not known to 
the rank and file of the Federal Employees’ organization. This federation 


[52] 


IN POLITICAL FIELDS 


is composed of various unions made up exclusively of Federal employees 
who are members of the American Federation of Labor. It is their boast that 
no member of Congress dares go against the wishes of the Federation if 
he desires to hold his position in Congress. 

These unions are composed not only of postal clerks, rural letter car- 
riers and railway mail clerks, which are the best known of Federal employees’ 
unions, but they have organized county agents, engaged in agricultural exten- 
sion, all employees in public land offices, employees in irrigation, reclama- 
tion, forestry and like work, all those connected with Indian work, particu- 
larly with Indian schools, and every other line of activity in which Govern- 
ment employees are interested. 

The Federation of Federal Employees has shown its strength and influ- 
ence on more than one occasion. It is even a bit boastful of its power with 
Congress and it was this boastfulness that attracted the attention of the 
Communist party and led to the “planting” of Communists in Federal 
employ for the purpose of getting control of the organization. The Federa- 
tion has successfully resisted all attempts at any reorganization of Federal 
bureaus that would result in the decrease of the number of employees. It 
succeeded in forcing the House of Representatives to reject a report by the 
Committee on Appropriations against the continuation of a $240 annual 
bonus to Government employees. This bonus was first allowed employees 
during the war to offset the increased cost of living. The Appropriations 
Committee reported in 1922 in favor of a reduction of this bonus upon the 
ground that the cost of living was lower and there was no longer a need of 
giving employees a bonus over and above their fixed salary. The American 
Federation of Labor immediately got behind the Federation of Federal 
Employees and succeeded in forcing the House to reject this attempted econ- 
omy, restoring the bonus for the fiscal year and appropriating for it $36,- 
287,000. 

Many bodies which appeal to “forward looking” individuals, or to 
philanthropists, or to the sympathies of right-thinking people, are in the 
field indorsing candidates for office. Ostensibly their purpose is to aid suf- 
fering or to uplift the down-trodden; but in reality their work is in further- 
ance of the work of the Communist party in America. Among them are 
organizations with high-sounding names like the All America National Coun- 
cil, the Non-Partisan Relief Committee, the Society for Medical Aid to 
Russia, the League for Industrial Democracy, the American League to Limit 
Armaments, and the American Union Against Militarism. All the openly 
pacifist organizations, which sponsor such movements as “No More War 
Day,” and which are trying to influence congressmen and candidates for 
Congress, are directly or indirectly branches of the illegal Communist party 
and their work is being controlled, though some of them may not know it, 
by the Communists in secret and illegal meetings. The list of such organ- 
izations in the United States is so long that a mere enumeration of them 
would fill several pages. 

The Workers’ party of America is the open political branch of the 


[53] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


Communist party of America, and every member of the official Workers’ 
party is a member of the illegal branch of that organization. But the Com- 
munists are clever enough to know that they cannot yet win elections through 
their own political party. Accordingly they have instructed their members 
to support other candidates when no Workers’ party ticket is in the field; 
and that party has no open candidates as yet (1922) in Congressional elec- 
tions. But these workers are also instructed to “make themselves felt” in 
order to acquire prestige in the minds of the candidates they support. In 
this way they believe they will gain more strength in the campaigns. But it 
must be borne in mind that at all times every member of the Communist 
party in America is bound to obey the orders“of the illegal party and to be 
entirely controlled in his political as well as industrial activity by it. 

Both Communists and every other breed of radicals were ready to make 
capital out of the bonus question, however it might be decided by the Govern- 
ment. If the bonus were approved, they would attack the action as an im- 
position upon the people of the country and an effort of the “capitalist” 
state to rob the poor. If disapproved, that action would be attacked as a 
capitalistic effort to defraud the ex-soldiers out of their just dues. The 
“Conference,” like the Communists and all other radicals, makes friends 
with all dissatisfied portions of society. It takes the losing side on every 
public question in order to make capital out of the fact that the side lost, 
and its supporters, therefore, are believed to be hostile to the authorities. 

Those who are familiar with the workings of the Communists are aware 
that the United States is in jeopardy. They are not fearful if the people 
of this country awake to the danger. But the enemies of civilization, both 
those in the Communist party and those on the fringe, who are playing 
with fire in their support of Communist theories, are at work to effect the 
overthrow of this Government. They are working cleverly, insidiously, 
and are willing to take plenty of time to accomplish their ends, but their 
main purpose, the goal toward which they are striving, is the destruction 
of church, home and state in America and the raising of the dictatorship of 
the proletariat, controlled by Zinovieff and his gang in Moscow, to take the 
place of the Government of the United States, 


[54] 


CHAPTER THREE 


SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES 


“Give us one generation of small children to train to manhood and 
womanhood and we will set up the Bolshevist form of the Soviet Govern- 
ment.” 

This statement, made in 1919 by Mrs. Marion E. Sproul, a Boston 
school teacher, has become the guiding light of the Communist party of 
America, has been adopted officially as a slogan of the party, and is being 
used throughout the United States by the secret, illegal organization for the 
purpose of alienating the American youth from the precepts of this country 
and the teachings of a century and a half of democratic government. Public 
and private schools, colleges and universities are the feeding ground of the 
“intellectual Communists” and the agents of the party have been deliber- 
ately “planted” in the educational institutions of the United States for the 
purpose of making converts of the young. Even in grammar schools of 
the larger cities of the country the children have “nuclei” of Communism 
frequently encouraged by radical-thinking teachers. 

Dr. William B. Bizzell, president of the Texas Agricultural and Mechani- 
cal College told the Dallas County Teachers’ Institute in 1922 that “Red 
radicalism is stalking over the prairies of Texas,” little knowing that at that 
instant the Communists were supporting students in his own and other col- 
leges of that State. The Soviet Government of Moscow paid the expenses 
of sixty-five Russian students in a single college in the United States—and 
their first duty is to the Communist International which specifically provides 
that they shall make use of every opportunity to make converts of as many 
of their associates as possible. One of the chief features of the Communist 
party’s program in the United States is to send promising young men and 
women to the institutions of higher education to fit them for future work in 
the Red movement aimed at the destruction by violence of the Government 
of the United States and the substitution for it of a dictatorship of the 
proletariat, subordinate to the Moscow regime. 

Radicalism in colleges is nothing new. It has existed since such insti- 
tutions have been known. It has always taken one form or another, usually 
on religious lines, for adolescence likes to believe that its mind is untram- 
meled by conventions. For generations educators have been familiar with 
that period of mental revolt in the college youth which made him proclaim 
himself an atheist, or an agnostic—some kind of a “free-thinker.” It is 
a stage that has been so common as not to be alarming. For when college 
days passed and the youth emerged into a sane, practical world which is 


[55] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


—— 


not particularly interested in religious technique as long as right living 
governs the people of the earth, this period passed and the college-bred youth 
took his proper place. But today, when the Communism-fed student leaves 
college he does not step out into a sane world, but into the ranks of the 
Communist movement which is watching him and waiting for his arrival 
to assign him to definite work for the propagation of the work of the party. 


Aside from the recognized schools and colleges every city now has 
Communist classes, attendance upon which is compulsory on the part even 
of little children, who are forced by law to attend public school a certain 
numbers of hours each day. These classes usually meet at night and all that 
is taught is Communism. Attendance is usually all the “home work” the 
children have to do. Active Communists, frequently college graduates, 
conduct them. There is a bit of fun mixed with these studies, so that, for 
the youngsters, the work will not become irksome. Ridicule is heaped upon 
religion, home ties, and especially upon the Government, in the form of 
Communist songs which are taught the children. A sample of such songs 
will show the nature of all of them. A typical verse reads: 


A patriotic churchman in his den, in his den, 

A-fishing after gold and men—Red flag comes along, 

His holiness he cocks his eye, lets out a snort, and then, Oh my! 
Golly, golly, what a roar! Blood and gore! How he tore! 
Golly, golly, how he swore, at the Crimson Rag! 


Another song taught the children concludes with the verses: 


I’ve got rebellion in my heart, 

It’s bred in flesh and bone. 

A rebel I will be 

As long as men shall men exploit 
On either side the sea. 

While right upon the scaffold lies, 
And wrong upon the throne, 

I'll be a blooming rebel, sir, 

A rebel to the bone. 


The drift from liberalism to radicalism and finally to Communism is 
gradual and easy. Many college professors, who were liberal in their views 
and teachings became radicals almost without it being known, and some of 
them, doubtless, without knowing it themselves. Others, however, and in this 
group must be listed some of the leading “liberal” lights of the greatest 
universities in the country, knowingly preach and teach radicalism which 
is seized upon by the Communists for ammunition with which to further 
their ends. Men like Felix Frankfurter and Zacharia Chaffee, of Harvard; 
Frederick Wells Williams and Max Solomon Mandell, of Yale; and many 
others in different schools and colleges throughout the country—these men 
are too wise not to know that their words, publicly uttered and even used 
in class-rooms, are, to put it conservatively, decidedly encouraging to the 


[56] 


SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES 





Communists. It is of men like these that James H. Collins wrote in the 
Saturday Evening Post: 

“The spread of radicalism in our colleges is perhaps most marked of 
all. The cartoon type of radical, with his whiskers and bomb, has a very 
limited field of activity—any policeman would arrest him on sight. The 
college radical, on the contrary, can move in every circle. It is not easy 
to explain him. Sometimes he is a self-seeker and loves notoriety. Again, 
his hostility to society is based on envy. Ambitious but lacking energy, he 
hates people who succeed through energy, and sours on life. Some of this 
intellectual radicalism is attributed to the materialism of the age, Socialism 
and similar philosophies being based on the material concept of history. 
Other observers charge it up to slipshod teaching of history and economics, 
students lacking the solid grounding that would put superficial radical theo- 
ries in proper perspective. . . . The teachings of a radical college 
professor may have great influence. In one college recently some of the 
students made a demonstration when a radical professor was dropped from 
the faculty. . . . Never having worked with his hands, nor mingled with 
wage earners, nor been creative or constructive in any way himself, the in- 
tellectual radical sees nothing difficult in the revolutionary program of first 
tearing everything down and then building from the ground up, entirely 
new.” 

In a Los Angeles High School one of the teachers constantly taught 
hatred of capital and took the side of labor in a definite attempt to instill in 
the minds of her pupils the propriety of such hatred. Finally, when she 
openly declared that the United States was behind Russia, Germany and 
Italy as progressive countries, one of the pupils publicly protested, because, 
as he pointed out, “there is revolution or civil war in each of these coun- 
tries.” But that teacher continued for some time after this incident ex- 
pounding her theories to the youth under her charge. 

The spreading of propaganda in rural districts has been a subject of 
study by the Communists since the organization of the party. In certain 
parts of the country where there are colonies of foreigners gathered under 
Communistic influence radical plays are put on in school houses by amateur, 
home-talent performers. Occasionally trouble arises when a_ patriotic 
school teacher discovers that meetings of what had been thought to be clubs, 
or societies for social intercourse, were in reality Communist meetings under 
the direction of the Third International through the Communist party of 
America. One such incident may be cited as an example. 

A colony of Finns, thirty-three families in all, of whom only three 
families were American citizens, is located about twelve miles north of Deer 
River, Minn. The company which located this colony confined its efforts 
entirely to Finns and made particularly attractive offers to the colonists. 
Fifty dollars secured a farm for each family and subsequent payments were 
to be nominal. The thirty non-American families are Communists and they 
undertook to give a play at the rural schoolhouse for the benefit of the Friends 
of Soviet Russia. The teacher, Mrs. G. M. Smith, learned of the nature of 
the organization, called the Suoma Raatagen Club, under the auspices of 


[57] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


cee a rn ne ene te an 


which the play was to be given. She discovered that the play was simply 
Red radical propaganda and refused to assent to the use of the schoolhouse 
for that purpose; but the Finns over-rode her by getting permission from 
the county school superintendent. Mrs. Smith attended the entertainment 
and forcibly prevented the giving of the Red play or‘taking up a collection 
for the Friends of Soviet Russia. Singlehanded she drove them from the 
schoolhouse when they began to shout, “We are Reds! Wetare Bolsheviks!” 

The Communists are constantly grooming some of their shining stars 
for positions in the faculties of our colleges. The pay of the teachers in 
all parts of the country, both in public and private institutions, is so small 
that many able men are unable to accept positions as teachers. But the 
small salary is no deterrent to the Communist, or the radical of any stripe, 
who joyfully accepts places where he may elaborate his views and teach 
real radicalism to the impressionable youth in his classes. His salary is fre- 
quently supplemented by funds from the Communist treasury, sometimes 
camouflaged under the cloak of ‘‘contributions” as a testimonial to his clear 
thinking as expressed in his lectures. 

The dissemination of radical, or as they term it, liberal propaganda in 
institutions of learning, particularly in universities and women’s colleges, 
has been a pet scheme of the radicals and their friends for years. There is 
hardly any university of size in the country today which does not have at 
least a branch of the National Student Forum, or its predecessor, the Inter- 
collegiate Liberal League, or the League for Industrial Democracy. These 
are direct descendants of the Intercollegiate Socialist League which went 
out of existence when “Socialism” became too mild a term to satisfy the 
radical tendencies of many members. The frequent changes in name are 
characteristic of all organizations affiliated with the Communists, who alter 
their names and addresses in an effort to hoodwink the authorities, and fool 
the public, a proceeding in strict accord with the orders of Nicolai Lenin. 
The Intercollegiate Liberal League was born at Harvard, April 2, 1921, and 
it was a result of the activities of the Socialist and later the Liberal League 
that developed the “modern intellectuals,” or as they are better known, the 
“parlor Bolsheviki.” There is so much in the teaching of radicalism that 
appeals to the mental processes which invariably accompany certain periods 
in the life of every student, that it is not surprising that the Communist 
party, as a business proposition, and the many inconspicuous individuals 
who are satisfied that they should be leaders and have no better means of 
attaining notoriety, have grasped the opportunities offered, as the Socialists 
did before them. Many are really capitalists, while others are plain parasites. 

It is safe to say that no institution of learning in the country has been 
so thoroughly saturated with the “liberal” activity as Harvard University. 
This institution has stimulated such a spirit of democracy among the stu- 
dents of the past generation that the radicals have had a more fertile field 
in which to work at Harvard than in a less liberal establishment. The 
professors themselves have not been inactive in the encouragement of the 
movement, and the names of several of them appear prominently in the 
roster roll of American liberals and are known in the “illegal” circles of the 


[58] 


SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES 


Communist party of America. These professors, as well as the professors 
of many other colleges, number known Communists among their personal 
friends, and are frequently found speaking from the same platform even with 
members of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist party of 
America. It is impossible that men of their intelligence should not know 
that they are advocating what the Communist party desires but cannot use 
in public propaganda because their own words would be discounted. Prom- 
inent radical speakers have been brought to speak at meetings of the Har- 
vard liberals from all sorts of organizations, among them men who are actu- 
ally paid agents of the Communist party. 

Prominent in the organization of the Intercollegiate Liberal League 
were men notorious as radicals; as well as men whose patriotism, and 
Americanism cannot be questioned. The latter of course, did not realize 
to what they were lending their aid. It is inconceivable that Dean Briggs 
would in any way permit himself to be identified with a movement the chief 
object of which is to overthrow the Government of the United States by force 
of arms. And yet Dean Briggs was one of the speakers at the meeting to 
organize the Intercollegiate Liberal League, in which the Communists were 
interested. Roger N. Baldwin, head of the American Civil Liberties Bu- 
reau, “conscientious objector’ who served a prison term as a “draft dodger” 
during the war, and intimate friend of the most radical of Communists, was 
one of the organizers. Another was the Rev. John Haynes Holmes, whose 
anti-American activities during the European War were so pronounced that 
his New York church had to be watched by officers of the Government, 
and whose writings were used by the Germans as propaganda with which 
they sought to break down the morale of the Allied soldiers. 

Harry W. L. Dana, known in Communist circles as one of the most 
effective radical agitators, was also active in the organization of the Inter- 
collegiate Liberal League. Professor Dana, who was dismissed from Colum- 
bia University because of his radicalism, said as far back as 1918 that he 
would be glad to aid however he could in furthering the cause of Soviet 
Russia in America, and from that time on has been issuing pronouncements 
on the “class war.” Yet he is considered a leader in the radical collegiate 
eroup. Among the others participating in the organization of this league 
were Augustus Dill, of The Crisis; Francis Neilson and Walter Fuller, of The 
Freeman; Donald Winston, of Young Democracy, and representatives from 
a number of other colleges. Dean Briggs and President H. N. MacCracken 
of Vassar College were among the speakers, and by their presence lent aid 
to the movement. The Rev. John Haynes Holmes, in his speech on that 
occasion, urged the students to “identify themselves with the labor world 
and there to martyr themselves by preaching the gospel of free souls and 
love as the rule of life.” He predicted a revolution, and said: “If you want 
to be on the side of fundamental right you have got to line up on the side 
of labor.” 

According to the Literary Digest there were, in 1921, organizations of 
the Intercollegiate Liberal League in 250 colleges and universities in this 
country. At about the time when the Harvard Liberal Club’s application 


[59] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


ee nnneeneeieeeeeeeeeeene reese eee a eee aeeEnnSneneEnnannEESOSISTSnEnOnSOIES eLnES EOE nEOSnaSESESESOOTONIInIIIES OSEEIIES I OSSEOIOS nS aS one 


for membership in the Associated Harvard Clubs was rejected because of 
its radicalism, a thorough investigation of the club and the league was made. 
In the report it was shown that some outside agency was financing the 
establishment of the league and the various clubs and their activities. 
From the report of this investigation it is possible to quote one paragraph, 
which reads as follows: 

“It would appear that the Harvard Liberal Club, Harvard Students’ 
Liberal Club and the Intercollegiate Liberal League may be the means 
devised and about to be used as propaganda agencies by radical movements 
not yet disclosed. The Russian theory of instilling sympathetic ideas in the 
younger generation while they are still in school is well known, and after 
a brief examination . . . it appears more than likely that the system 
is being put into execution among college students in this country. Such a 
plan of radical activity is most patently dangerous, as the students at that 
age, while mentally keen, active and alert, have not yet formed their per- 
manent characters and are at a formative period in their mental development, 
during which they are particularly susceptible to the influence of older 
minds, especially those of their masters whom they are accustomed to look 
up to as fountains of authority, wisdom and guidance. Under those circum- 
stances, with men like Felix Frankfurter, Roger Baldwin and others behind 
such a movement, its potentialities for evil at once appear to be tremendous.” 

The retention of Professor Frankfurter at Harvard has called forth a 
great deal of criticism from men in public affairs, Harvard graduates and 
others. When he was counsel for President Wilson’s Mediation Commission 
in the Mooney case, in California, he had the temerity to try to influence 
Theodore Roosevelt in the work he was doing in the endeavor to aid Mooney. 
This drew from the ex-president, whose Americanism has never been ques- 
tioned by friend or foe, the following letter, the existence of which few 
people know: 

“I thank you for your frank letter. I answer it at length because you 
have taken and are taking . . . an attitude which seems to me to be 
fundamentally that of Trotsky and the other Bolsheviki leaders in Russia; 
an attitude which may be fraught with mischief to this country. 

“As for the conduct of the trial, it seems to me that Judge Dunne’s 
statement which I quoted in my published letter covers it. I have not been 
able to find anyone who seriously questions Mr. Dunne’s character, judicial 
fitness and ability, or standing. Moreover, it seems to me that your own 
letter makes it perfectly plain that the movement for the recall of Fickert 
was due primarily, not in the least to any real or general feeling as to the 
alleged short-comings on his part, but to what I can only call the Bolsheviki 
sentiment. The other accusations against him were mere camouflage. The 
assault was made upon him because he had attacked the murderous element, 
the dynamite and anarchy group of labor agitators. The movement against 
him was essentially similar to movements on behalf of the McNamaras, and 
on behalf of Moyer and Haywood. Some of the correspondents who attacked 
me frankly stated that they were for Mooney and Billings just as they had 
been for the McNamaras and for Moyer and Haywood. In view of Judge 


[60] 


SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES 


Dunne’s statement it is perfectly clear that even if Judge Dunne is in error 
in his belief as to the trial being straight and proper, it was an error into 
which entirely honest men could fall. 

“But the question of granting a re-trial is one thing. The question of 
the recall is entirely distinct. Even if a re-trial were proper this would 
not in the least justify a recall—any more than a single grave error on your 
part would justify your impeachment, or the impeachment of President 
Wilson for appointing you. Fremont Older and the I. W. W. and the direct 
action anarchists and apologists for anarchy are never coricerned for justice. 
They are concerned solely in seeing one kind of criminal escape justice, 
precisely as certain big business men have in the past been concerned in 
seeing another kind of criminal escape justice. The guiding spirits in the 
movement for the recall of Fickert cared not a rap whether or not Mooney 
and Billings were guilty; probably they believed them guilty; all they were 
concerned with was seeing a rebuke administered to, and an evil lesson 
taught all public officials who might take action against crimes of violence 
committed by anarchists in the name of some foul and violent protest against 
social conditions. Murder is murder, and it is rather more evil when com- 
mitted in the name of a professed social movement. It was no mere accident, 
it was the natural sequence of cause and effect that the agitation for the 
recall of Fickert, because he fearlessly prosecuted the dynamiters (and of 
course no human being doubts that Billings and Mooney were in some shape 
or other privy to the outrage) should have been accompanied by the dyna- 
mite outrage at the governor’s mansion. The reactionaries have in the past 
been a great menace to this Republic, but at this moment it is the I. W. W. 
the Germanized Socialists, the anarchists, the foolish creatures who always 
protest against the suppression of crime, the pacifists and the like, under the 
lead of the Hearsts and La Follettes, and Bergers, and Hillquits, the Fremont 
Olders and Amos Pinchots and Rudolph Spreckels who are the really grave 
danger. These are the Bolsheviki of America, and the Bolsheviki are just as 
bad as the Romanoffs, and are at the moment a greater menace to orderly 
freedom. Robespierre and Danton and Marat and Herbert were just as 
evil as the worst tyrants of the old regime, and from 1791 to 1794 they were 
the most dangerous enemies to liberty that the world contained. When you 
as representing President Wilson, find yourself obliged to champion men 
of this stamp you ought, by unequivocal affirmative action, to make it evident 
that you are sternly against their general and habitual line of conduct. 

“T have just received your report on the Bisbee deportation. One of 
the prominent leaders in that deportation was my old friend Jack Green- 
way, who has just been commissioned a major in the Army by President 
Wilson. Your report is as thoroughly misleading a document as could be 
written on the subject. No official writing on behalf of the President 
is to be excused for failure to know, and clearly to set forth that the 
I. W. W. is a criminal organization. To ignore the fact that a move- 
ment such as its members made into Bisbee is made with criminal intent 
is precisely as foolish as for a New York policeman to ignore the fact 
that when the Whyo gang assembles with guns and knives it is with crim- 


[61] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


inal intent. The President is not to be excused if he ignores this fact, 
for of course he knows all about it. No human being in his senses 
doubts that the men deported from Bisbee were bent on destruction and 
murder. If the President through you or anyone else had any right 
to look into the matter, this very fact shows that he had been remiss 
in his clear duty to provide against the very grave danger in advance. 
When no efficient means are employed to guard honest, upright and well 
behaved citizens from the most brutal kind of lawlessness it is inevitable 
that these citizens shall try to protect themselves. That is as true when 
the President fails to do his duty about the I. W. W. as when the police 
fail to do their duty about gangs like the Whyo gang; and when either 
the President or the police, personally or by representative, rebuke the 
men who defend themselves from criminal assault, it is necessary sharply 
to point out that far heavier blame attaches to the authorities who fail 
to give the needed protection, and to the investigators who fail to point out 
the criminal character of the anarchistic organization against which the 
decent citizens have taken action. 

“Here again you are engaged in excusing men precisely like the 
Bolsheviki in Russia, who are murderers and encouragers of murder, who 
are traitors to their allies, to democracy and to civilization, as well 
as to the United States, and whose acts are nevertheless apologized for 
on grounds, my dear Mr. Frankfurter, substantially like those which you 
allege. In times of danger nothing is more common and nothing more 
dangerous to the Republic than for men to avoid condemning the criminals 
who are really public enemies by making their entire assault on the short- 
comings of the good citizens who have been the victims or opponents of 
the criminals. This was done not only by Danton and Robespierre, but by 
many of their ordinarily honest associates in connection with, for instance, 
the ‘September massacres.’ It is not the kind of thing I care to see well 
meaning men do in this country. 


“Sincerely yours, 
“Theodore Roosevelt.” 


The writings of Lenin, Trotsky or other high priests of Communism, 
as well as those of Marx and Engel, have been and undoubtedly still are 
used as text-books, or as prescribed reading, in classes or clubs in Wellesley, 
Vassar, Smith, Yale and many other colleges, and trouble is constantly 
occurring in various State universities in the West where radicalism is being 
taught, or studied. In all these colleges, also, Communist propaganda pre- 
pared with a view to being placed in the hands of students, is secretly cir- 
culated among the students. From time to time this secret work of the 
Communists becomes known publicly through the indignation of some 
thoroughly American student into whose hands the propaganda falls by 
mistake. However, this does not often happen, for the Communists are 
very careful to place such literature only in “safe” hands. 

Upton Sinclair made, in 1922, a tour of the United States, lecturing 
wherever he could on radicalism, ostensibly gathering material for a new 


[62] 


SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES. 


a 


book on education. Before his departure from his home in Pasadena, Calif., 
he was entertained as guest of honor at a dinner given by Mrs. Kate Crane 
Gartz and Prince Hopkins, known as radicals, although standing high in 
Pasadena society. Representatives were present of all classes of radicalism 
from Communism to theoretical Socialism, society men and women, and 
motion picture stars and producers. It was entirely radical in its personnel 
and intended to be. In telling of his then projected trip, Sinclair said 
that there were “capitalist spies” in practically every school and college 
in the country reporting any teacher expressing liberal thought. “This 
perfect network of spies,” he said, “has created such a fear among school 
and university teachers” that nearly all his letters of inquiry remained 
unanswered, thus forcing him to visit the institutions in person in order 
to get information for his book in which he proposed to tell all about the 
sinister influence and domination of the reactionaries and of Wall Street 
finance and capital over the educational system of this country. The 
radicals present appeared to believe all that Sinclair told them and there 
was much indignation expressed because objection was being made to the 
teaching of radicalism in the schools of the United States. And yet this 
radical teaching is backed by the illegal Communist party of America and 
by the Russian Soviet Government of Moscow. 

Judge J. H. Ryckman was another speaker. He dwelt upon the “ter- 
rible persecution” of the I. W. W. radicals in California and said that 
but for the assistance given by some wealthy radicals, mentioning Miss 
Fanny Bixby Spencer and Miss Esther Yarnell, well known in California 
society, who have given bail for many of the radicals arrested in the 
West, the syndicalist movement, sponsored by the Communists, would have 
been wiped out in that State. Gaylord Wilshire, a prominent Los Angeles 
radical who boasts of his connections with the Communist movement, 
delivered an ultra-radical speech, full of sarcastic and scathing vindictive- 
ness against American democracy, saying that a mixture of syndicalistic 
principles and Communist tactics was the only salvation for this country. 
These speakers are mentioned for the reason that this was the ammunition 
to be used by Upton Sinclair on his tour of American colleges in making 
addresses to students. 

After Sinclair had started his tour he wrote friends from San 
Francisco saying that Hearst's Magazine had accepted his latest novel 
“Mobland,” and ascribing this good fortune to the fact that Norman 
Hapgood, known for his radical tendencies, and connected with the American 
Civil Liberties Union had shortly before been made editor of that magazine. 
On May 21, 1922, a small private meeting of a number of radical and 
“progressive” public school teachers of Pasadena was held, at which letters 
from Sinclair were discussed. He had written from Chicago that at Madison, 
Wis., he was received in a very friendly spirit and had held several suc- 
cessful meetings. At the University of Chicago, he wrote, he had been 
given a small auditorium in which to lecture, and so many students could 
not get in to hear him that the meeting was adjourned to out-of-doors, so 
that all could hear. “Generally speaking,” he wrote, “I am very much 


[63] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


pleased to find so many Socialists and adherents of other anti-capitalistic 
systems among the college professors, and I am quite sure that if we 
could only make these men feel reasonably sure of economic independence 
there would be a great wave of radical thought sweeping through all our 
schools.” 

On this tour Sinclair was entertained by and addressed several local 
clubs associated with the Intercollegiate Liberal League, and at other 
places his meetings were held under the auspices of the “Cosmopolitan 
Club” of the college. The Cosmopolitan Club movement is one which 
has been investigated and found to be engaged in spreading radical propa- 
ganda in practically all institutions in which it has been introduced. There 
are branches in Harvard, Yale, the Universities of California, Chicago, 
Itlinois, Michigan, Missouri, Nebraska, Kansas, Oregon, Pennsylvania, 
Wisconsin and Indiana, Columbia and Cornell, Drake College, Iowa State 
College, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Oberlin, Ohio State College, 
Ohio Wesleyan College, Purdue, Syracuse, Union College, Vanderbilt Uni- 
versity, William Jewell College, Worcester University, Coe University and 
Radcliffe College. 

These clubs include active Communists as well as radicals of other 
types and are unquestionably supported, at least in part, by the Com- 
munist party. In their membership are many foreigners, the ostensible 
object of the clubs being to foster international friendship. In some cases 
radical professors are the active leaders in these clubs, although usually 
active Communists who are undergraduates are the leaders. They frequently 
have as speakers members of the Communist party of America who never 
miss an opportunity to make converts. 

As Upton Sinclair made his tour of the country and worked either 
directly or indirectly for Communism, so Lillian Reiseroff, of Cambridge, 
Mass., made her way from East to West, working directly for the Commu- 
nists, and organizing in schools and colleges, among her other activities, 
branches of the Young Workers’ League of America, a part of the Communist 
organization supported as one of the “legal” portions of the radical party. 
Miss Reiseroff made her way to the Pacific Coast and at Seattle found 
Sidney E. Borgeson, who while attending the summer school at the Uni- 
versity of Washington, was very active as a member of a number of 
local radical organizations. These two worked together in college circles 
and left together for Minneapolis, where Borgeson said he was to be 
employed as an instructor at the University of Minnesota, and where 
Miss Reiseroff was to engage actively in organization work for the Young 
Workers’ League. 

The Communists have not been slow to seize upon the fact that prac- 
tically no efforts are made, outside of the public school system, with 
its more or less lax laws relating to attendance at certain ages, to furnish 
children of foreign birth and children of the working class with edu- 
cational facilities. This lack of attention on the part of the American 
public has given the Communist an excellent opportunity to organize night 
schools for the teaching of Communism. Among the documents found 


[64] 


SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES 





at Bridgman, Mich., were many referring to the work on the education and 
early training of the youth on Communistic lines. Much of this work 
is done by the Young Workers’ League, which has been organized all over 
the country in a remarkably short time. 

A single example of how the Communists work in the schools and col- 
-leges will suffice to explain many recent activities in such institutions. 
In 1922 sixty-five Russian men and women applied for admission to the 
United States from Mexico as students. They said they wished to matricu- 
late at the University of California for study. The United States Govern- 
ment permitted them to enter, believing them anxious to attend the University 
of California for educational purposes only. As a matter of fact the 
sixty-five were sent by the Russian Soviet Government to Mexico to facilitate 
their entrance to this country. They were financed by the Communists in 
Moscow and carried on a well organized Communist propaganda on the 
Pacific Coast under direction of the Third International of Moscow. They 
made a number of converts among the students of the University, according 
to a well informed visitor to the Coast. They also acted as advisers to 
the organizers of the Young Workers’ League in Pacific Coast States. 

The Young Workers’ ecenc is an outgrowth of the Young People’s 
Communist League and the Young People’s Socialist League, and was or- 
ganized for “legal” propaganda purposes. The re-organization was ef- 
fected by the Executive Committee of the Workers’ party and the instal- 
lation of the various circles was in charge of the National Secretary, 
Oliver Carlson, alias E.. Connelly, alias Edwards. He is a member of 
the Communist party of America, of which the Workers’ party is the 
open or “legal” political branch. The purpose of the Young Workers’ 
League is “to educate the members, the young workers, to understand 
their position in capitalist society, to show them the stupidity of seeking 
to climb higher, and to map a course of action for their emancipation.” 
Among the organizers of the League were such persons as Walter Bronstrup, 
Mrs. Margaret Prevy, Mrs. Sadie Amter, Max Kaminsky and D. E. Early, 
all well known in Communist circles. 

The headquarters of this League is, at the time of this writing, at 
No. 208 East Twelfth Street, New York, and the country is divided into 
districts with an organizer in each district. Classes are held in many 
cities for the instruction of the young people and their elders along 
Communistic lines. The following is quoted, as an example, from a 
report of the organization in Roxbury, Mass.: 

“Meetings are held every Sunday evening. Classes have been opened 
in economics and psychology and are attended. Harry W. L. Dana and 
Mrs. Antoinette F. Konikow, of No. 52 Chambers Street, Boston, are 
lecturers at these classes. Leo Golosov, of Dorchester, was formerly in 
charge of the organization and he has since been in Russia. Louis Marks, 
of Dorchester, is now at the head. Recently copies of Youth, a Com- 
munist paper, were distributed at one of the meetings.” 

This is only a sample of the work done in many localities in ad- 
dition to the work among the children. The Communists are using the 


[65] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


schools regularly as places of meeting for older students of Communism, 
as well as for children of tender years. In the classes such studies 
as the “A. B. C. of Communism,” “Fundamental Principles of Communism,” 
“Theses and Resolutions of the Communist International’ are read and 
studied. Youth, the publication just mentioned, was the official organ 
of the League until March, 1922, when the Young Worker became the 
official organ. 

From a convention call issued by the national secretary of the Young 
Workers’ League, the aim of the organization is given in the following 
words: ‘Our aim is to be the abolition of capitalism by means of the 
Workers’ Republic, a government functioning through the power of the 
proletariat to the exclusion of all other classes, as the first step toward 
the establishment of an international classless society, free from all polit- 
ical and economic slavery.” International Liebknecht Day was first cele- 
brated by the Young Workers’ League of America in January, 1922, when 
international meetings were held in almost every important city of the 
United States. A joint convention was held in New York in April. It 
was announced that all organizations subscribing to the convention call and 
sending delegates, must agree to merge into the Young Workers’ League. 
Conventions were also held in Brooklyn in May, and in Chicago in July 
of the same year. 

Bearing in mind that this organization is chiefly interested in educating 
first the young and then their elders in Communistic lines of thought, and 
that an effort has been made to lead the public to believe that the 
Young Workers’ League is not connected with the Communist movement, 
it is interesting to read the following communication, dated Moscow, June 
27, 1922, and addressed “to the National Executive Committees of the 
Communist parties,” which was found with other documents at Bridgman, 
Mich., when the Communist party convention was raided: 

“Dear Comrades: In agreement with the Executive Committee of the 
Comintern, the Executive Committee of the Young Communist International 
decided to launch an energetic campaign of the youth for the united 
front of the proletariat. For this purpose it decided to convene a 
World Congress of Juvenile Labor. 

“In order to prepare the proletarian youth for our campaign, it is 
of utmost importance that the Communist parties with their press support 
us in the most extensive manner. This is especially necessary because 
the whole action is closely connected with the united front policy of 
the Comintern in the next (near?) future. 

“We have already informed the National Executives of our League 
in order that the editors of the party organs may support us. With consid- 
eration to the immense significance of this forthcoming action and its effect 
on the Social Democrats and Centrists, we ask you, the National Executive 
Committees, to instruct the editors of your organs to grant sufficient 
space to the publications of the National Leagues as well as to the inter- 


[66] 








A group of Communist publications in the United States. Soviet Russia, The 
Labor Herald, and The Young Worker, on the right William Z. Foster of Chicago; 
on the left, Robert Miner. 





‘I 
a, 
i aia 
F 
; 
ane 
; ' 
. 
2 
4 
Oy 
J 
‘ 
as 
‘ 
’ 
se 
Hl 
; 
- 
‘ 
-@ 
; 
oe 
‘ 
{ 
1 
‘ 
7 
_ 
1 
a bat | 
ey 
h a _ 


= 1 h i ' A 
71 , ae * 
' ah Ae 
% " = 







Aa 


a 


wee 


Aa 





Siac 
ste 
ae 





if * 
oft as 
ae 





BS oh 
ar. 
“Th ok 















SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES 





national publications. With Communist greetings of the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Young Communist International.” 

In a circular marked “strictly confidential,” sent from Moscow June 
24, 1922, the National Executive Committees of the Communist parties 
in the various countries of the world were told that “recent events in the 
international labor movement render necessary a revision of our tactics 
in the problem of ‘the proletarian united front and juvenile labor.’” It 
is then stated that the youth must not be made to carry on their fight 
for the united front alone but that all branches of the Communist party 
in each country must work together for the united front under the direction 
of the National Executive Committee of the Communist Party. ‘The slogan 
of the united front will for a long time,” the circular says, “be the underlined 
principle of all activities.” 

The ‘‘recent events in the international labor movement” refers to 
the refusal of the Socialist Internationals to surrender to the Commu- 
nists in the matter of calling a world labor congress, to insist upon all 
labor working with the united front movement for the establishment of 
the proletarian government of the world. Because of this opposition the 
matter was dropped for the time and the Executive Committee of the Young 
Communists League, in Moscow, upon direction from their superiors in 
the Soviet Government, shifted the movement to the various national 
organizations instead of trying to make it a solid world movement. 

It is interesting to note the care with which this work in America, 
as is the case in all other countries, is mapped out in Moscow. One of 
the documents found at Bridgman contains the proceedings of the Young 
Communist International at Moscow, when, under the leadership of Zin- 
ovieff, programs for the future were arranged and the work specified for 
the branches all over the world. In each country the youngsters must 
be instructed as to the form of government in that country and given 
points for argument against its maintenance. Care must be taken that the 
study and work shall be interesting to the youth. A few paragraphs of 
these proceedings will be illuminating. 

“In view of the fact that almost all of the practical arrangements 
of the Leagues have an educational character (evenings of groups, 
lectures, discussions and entertainment evenings, excursions, etc.) and that 
in all other departments of work an increase of the educational endeavors 
is necessary (training of officials), the systematic improvement of this 
sphere of activities must be paid great attention to. The organization of 
this work (elaboration of plans, discussion of the active workers providing 
of new forces and material) must in any case be transferred to a special 
department of the Executive Committee and the branch committees. 

“The performance of the task imposed by the Second Congress—that 
of basing educational work on the problems of the day—is only possible 
if the active members of the leagues know the elementary principles of 
the Marxian theory. In order to enable the members to acquire this 
knowledge, political elementary instruction must be given. All young 


[67] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


workers entering the Leagues must as far as possible during the first year 
of their membership be provided with elementary political knowledge.” 

Then the work is mapped out in detail, taking them through grades, 
much as is done in our public school system, until they are developed 
full Communists when they are admitted to active membership in the party 
and assigned to work. A part of this future work is given as “agitation 
and propaganda” among youth not of Communist families. 

“The patient, persistent and systematic enlightenment of the broad 
masses of juvenile labor on the character of our opponents, along the prac- 
tical lines of their daily activities, must become the basis of this agitation 
and propaganda work,” reads a portion of the proceedings. “So far as 
the bourgeois youth organizations are concerned, it is the task of the Young 
Communist Leagues to expose their class character, to fight the Church, to 
carry on a strong, elastic anti-religious propaganda, to lead a ruthless 
fight against militarism and to unveil not less ruthlessly pacifism and 
political neutrality. They must, furthermore, be able to sharpen the class 
antagonism in these organizations where proletarian and semi-proletarian 
elements are organized.” 

In the resolutions adopted by the first national convention of the 
Young Workers’ League of America, organized by the Young Communist 
League pursuant to instructions from Moscow, and which was held in 
May, 1922, it is distinctly stated that “in the struggle of the working class 
against the capitalist class the laboring youth does not hold any special 
position; the class struggle is a conflict between but two classes—the 
working class and the capitalist class.” The resolutions at this convention 
endorsed Soviet Russia and “demanded” its recognition by the United 
States, approved the stand of the World War Veterans against “the avowed 
foe of the working class, the American Legion,” and endorsed the friends 
of Soviet Russia and all other Communist branches and efforts. 

The call for this convention was officially endorsed by four branches 
of the Young Women’s League, Chicago, Detroit, Boston and New York. 
A single paragraph from the resolution on education, adopted by the Young 
Communist International and approved by the convention in America, tells 
the extent of the work of this organization: 

“With the change in the character and intensity of the class struggle 
must come about a change in our method of agitation. This field must 
be subdivided under these two headings: first, education within the 
organization; second, propaganda and education among the masses.” 

It has been seen that the machinery of the Communists for gaining 
converts and trained workers embraces all stages and degrees of edu- 
cation from the poor youngster who has to work selling papers, running 
errands, or in any way, through the night Communist schools, the pub- 
lic schools, colleges and universities, even to professorial chairs in the 
higher institutions. In addition to this, the names of all radicals who, by 
word or deed, lend encouragement or endorsement to the Communist move- 
ment, are used in the propaganda work of gaining recruits to the Communist 


-[68] 


SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES 





army. Whenever a college professor, a Government official, a big business 
man, or any individual whose name carries distinction in any line of 
endeavor, carelessly or with intent expresses an opinion which can be 
construed as favoring, even in a limited sense, the aims of the Communists, 
such words are seized upon and used for propaganda purposes, especially 
in endeavoring to win over young men and women, in college or out, to 
the Communist party. Thus it is that correspondence between the late 
Charles P. Steinmetz, the electrical genius, and Lenin was broadcasted 
throughout the English speaking world and was translated into many 
languages for propaganda purposes. It was given out by Lenin. 

Steinmetz, who had for many years been known as an enthusiastic in- 
tellectual socialist, expressed to Lenin his admiration of the Russian Soviet 
government in “the building up of socialism and economic reconstruction” 
and offering his services “to assist Russia in the technical sphere and 
particularly in the matter of electrification in a practical way and with 
advice.” Lenin’s reply was a studied attempt to furnish material for 
propaganda, writing of “the necessity and the inevitability of supplanting 
capitalism by a new social order” and using other hackneyed phrases 
familiar to those who study revolutionary literature. Lenin also took 
occasion to refer to the lack of recognition of the Soviet government by 
the United States as a prime difficulty in the path of accepting the Steinmetz 
offer of assistance. 


169 | 





CHAPTER FOUR 


RADICAL PUBLICATIONS AND LITERATURE 


The number of radical publications issued in the United States in- 
cluding those published abroad and circulated in this country almost trebled 
in the year 1922. This is due to two facts: the tremendous increase 
in the growth of the Communist party and its “legal” branches 
in America, and the fact that a number of radical publications suspended 
after the raids by the authorities in December, 1920, and January, 1921. 
There are known to be at least 227 radical publications printed in foreign 
languages and seventy-three in English issued in the United States; there 
may be others, for many of them are printed secretly and circulated sur- 
reptitiously, and it is more than probable that some such papers find their 
way only into the hands of those whom they are intended to reach. In 
addition to these there are 269 papers printed in various languages abroad, 
including English, and imported into the United States in large quantities, 
as well as forty-two papers published in Argentine, Canada, Chile, Cuba, 
Mexico, Porto Rico and Uruguay, which are brought in increasingly large 
quantities to this country to aid in the drive of radical propaganda. This 
is a total of 611 periodicals known to be circulated among the people 
of the United States, directly or indirectly aimed at the overthrow of this 
Government. 

In addition to the daily papers, weekly magazines and monthly reviews, 
included in the above list, books are published and circulated for children 
and adults, all of them very cleverly presenting propaganda for the purpose 
of instilling Communism in the minds of the readers. Most of these books 
are prepared in Russia and many of them are printed abroad, being brought 
to the United States by smugglers. Picture post cards, some of them of 
high artistic merit, are also secretly brought to this country and efforts 
are constantly being made to give them wide distribution; but as these 
post-cards are unmailable, under the laws of the country, they are usually 
confiscated. No attempt is made, however, to distribute the books except 
from hand to hand, and through the underground organizations of the 
Communist party. The subtlety and excellence of these books are worthy 
of commendation but for the message they bear—that the Government of 
the United States must be overthrown and the dictatorship of the prole- 
tariat established. Several different volumes of fables, imitating the Aesop 
classics, especially designed for little folks, are widely read by Communist 
children and the children of radicals of other stripes. 

Many of the Communist books, also, may be obtained at public book 


[71] 


REDS IN AMERICA 





stores. Care is taken in the preparation of these books—this refers solely 
to the reading matter for mature people—to make them accord with the 
laws of the United States so that the propaganda may be more widely 
distributed. These volumes are largely philosophical and bearing on in- 
dustrial conditions. But the single moral pointed, the single lesson conveyed 
is that all capitalistic governments must be overthrown by violence and 
Soviet governments, patterned after and under the direction of the central 
Soviet government at Moscow, established. 

At first the Communist, anarchist and other radical papers published 
in this country were crude affairs, frequently printed on coarse, brown 
paper, and typographically barbarous. But today these papers are excel- 
lently printed, many of them on better print paper than is used by most 
metropolitan newspapers, and the make-up and typography of a nature 
that would please the most exacting journalist. Colors are frequently. 
used—though this applies exclusively, perhaps, to magazines and pam- 
phlets. And whereas the reading matter in the early publications was 
crudely put together, usually nothing but the most blatant excoriation of 
government and praise of the Soviet regime, and almost invariably showing 
ignorance .of composition and of English, the present publications are 
excellently written in blameless diction, and present their propaganda in 
far more insidious and interesting style. In fact, some of their newspapers 
and magazines are fascinating in their cleverness. The chief propaganda 
articles are logically constructed (on false premises, to be sure) and the 
best American in the world would have to be on his guard to keep from 
falling into agreement with the writer. These publications are well il- 
lustrated with cartoons and photographic reproductions and have various 
departments, even columnists and jokes, all carefully built to further 
Communist propaganda. 

One excellent series of pamphlets is entitled “Children’s Stories of 
Soviet Russia” and is issued by “Friends of Soviet Russia Famine Scout 
Clubs of America.” This is patently an effort to make use of the boys’ 
and girls’ scout organizations and the pamphlet is purely a Communist 
organ for the dissemination of Communist propaganda through the Com- 
munist “legal” branch known as Friends of Soviet Russia. It is profusely 
illustrated, with covers in colors, and contains a number of stories about 
and for children. The blow at capitalism is struck at the outset in the 
following paragraph, as a preface to the stories: 

“The rich capitalists all over the world tried to crush the government 
of the Russian workers and farmers. They blockaded Russia. They 
crippled her factories and destroyed her farming machinery and made 
Russia fight for her life at a time when she was beginning to make life 
happy and free for all workers and their children. Then came drouth, 
starvation and death for millions.” 

Radical periodicals are published from Boston to Los Angeles, from 
Seattle to Florida. The place of publication of the most radical is unknown; 
they simply appear. They are printed in many languages including, 


[72] 





RADICAL PUBLICATIONS AND LITERATURE 


besides English: Russian, Italian, Jewish, Ukrainian, Armenian, Bulgarian, 
Czech, Croatian, Esthonian, Finnish, German, Greek, Hungarian, Lithuanian, 
Polish, Slovak, Spanish, Roumanian, Danish, Lettish, Slovenic and French. 

Many of the papers, such as The Communist, the official organ of 
the Communist party in America, are printed in various language editions. 
The editors of the different editions attend a regular round table at which 
the editor-in-chief dictates the general policy to be followed in each article. 
This policy is discussed by the polyglot circle and the translations are 
made to conform, not in words, but in sentiment, to the policy dictated. 
The same is true of the books, pamphlets, circulars, posters and magazines, 
which appear in many languages, directed to bringing about the one 
definite result. This part of the Communist party work is thoroughly 
organized and is progressing without a hitch. These publications are prac- 
tically all the reading matter the foreigner in the United States gets. They 
are carefully prepared to keep his mind alien to the interests of the United 
States, and are devoted to inspiring and maintaining interest in the “class 
struggle,” which is preached to him continuously from the time of his 
arrival in America. His only companions, frequently his only associates, 
speak his language, and here is a newspaper, a weekly and a monthly 
magazine, and even books in his native tongue. There is little in reading 
matter that falls into his hands to urge him to become American because 
everything he wants in the way of reading matter is furnished him in his 
own language. And therein lies the seriousness of the foreign press situation 
in the United States. With few exceptions the reading matter that comes 
to his hand in his own language preaches either openly or by innuendo 
the “necessity” for the violent overthrow of the United States Government. 

The radical press was largely concerned with the strikes of 1922, 
as was to be supposed. The radical and labor press was interested in the 
period of unrest as an example of the larger, broader fight between capital 
and labor of which the strikes were regarded as but preliminary, although 
very important, battles. Characteristic is the sentiment expressed: “Capital 
is advancing; Labor is on the defensive.” Not in part alone the fault of 
the owners and operators, according to this press, but the coal and rail 
strikes were entirely so—an unprovoked assault upon the living rights of 
the workers. Hence, also, the almost universal plea for the united front, 
the general strike, as the only hope against the unity of purpose and power 
of the enemy, the ultimate end, of course, being “the complete abolition of 
Capitalism.” Certain of the editorials in recent numbers of the Communist 
and other radical press on the strike situation are very bitter. “If they do 
not in actual words urge measures of direct action, words are scarcely 
needed in the light of the inflammatory picture painted. To assert, as one 
of them does, that “the bourgeoisie stands in a fighting line—ready to shoot 
you down like dogs”, and then add that “To give in means—Death! To 
struggle means—Life! Struggle!” does not require more in the way of 
exhortion to forcible resistance. © 

As Moscow is the headquarters of the entire Communistic movement, 


[73] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


all important orders affecting Communism throughout the entire world 
come from that city. Berlin is one of the chief, if not the chief subordi- 
nate headquarters, for it is in the latter city. that the governing body of the 
parties in Western Europe and America sits and directs the work done in 
those two important sections of the world. The propaganda work in the 
United States has its headquarters in Berlin, always, of course, under the 
supreme authorities in Moscow. Early in the summer of 1922, Jay Love- 
stone, secretary of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party 
of America, brought from Berlin $35,000 for propaganda work in this 
country. Later, A. A. Heller: of New York, representative of the Supreme 
Soviet of People’s Economy in the United States, received $48,000 from 
Berlin for the same purpose. ‘This latest consignment of gold was for 
work in connection with the drive of the Friends of Soviet Russia for ad- 
ditional funds, the major portion of which goes into Soviet coffers in 
Moscow. 

Bearing in mind that the United States, then, is fed with Communist 
propaganda from Berlin, it is interesting to know that this propaganda 
is prepared at the Berlin headquarters in English, printed on sheets on 
one side only and thus distributed so that the English radical papers can 
reprint it simply by using shears and paste in its preparation. This material 
is also furnished the foreign language press here in whatever language is 
desired, and in the same way. The Berlin organization is no secret abroad, 
for the Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung published an excellent chart of the 
ramifications of the organization with the following interesting article: 

“The chart shows the organization of the Bolshevik propaganda as 
spread throughout Europe. Its management is being conducted by the propa- 
ganda bureau, which is a division of the All-Russian Central Executive 
Committee, having as its object the propaganda within the country, in 
the army and abroad. The latter is divided into two sections: the Eastern 
and the Western. The Eastern section consists of eight groups, those 
of China and Korea, Japan, India, Afghanistan, Turkey, Persia, Cauca- 
sus and the Nomadic nations. The Western section embraces, outside 
of the European countries, the United States of America. The propaganda 
bureau is headed by the propaganda committee, the members of which are 
Zinoviev, Radek, Chicherin, Lunacharsky, Krassin, Litvinov and others. 
The committee is again divided into an Official Section, containing the 
diplomatic and commercial delegations abroad, the press bureau, the news 
agency ‘Rosta’ and a number of wireless stations as well as the secret sec- 


1 Mr. Heller was Commercial Attache in Ludwig Marten’s ‘‘Russian Soviet Embassy,’’ 
prior to Marten’s departure from this country under pressure. ‘“Who’s Who in New 
York,’ edition of 1918, states: Heller, Abraham Aaron, Gen’] Mer. Internat. Oxygen 
Co.; b. Minsk, Russia, October 1874; s. Lazarus and Sarah (Chautin) Heller; ed. 
Public schs. Moscow, Russia and New York; m. Edith Spectorsky, Dec. 1902, N. Y. 
City. Children, Anna, Lyndal, Mireille. Organized in 1893 firm of L. Heller & Son 
(importers of precious stones) and in 1906 opened European office at Paris, France. 
Formed Internat. Oxygen Co., in 1910 and is now treasurer and Gen’l Mer. of same. 
Mem. Executive Board Compressed Gas Mfrs. Ass’n, Dir. Rand School of Social 
Science. Recreations, farming, golf. Clubs, Twilight, Inwood Country. Residence, 
9 W. 68th St., and Bernardsville, N. J. Address 115 Broadway, N. Y. City. The 
International Oxygen Co. received large contracts during the War to supply the 
Army and especially the Navy with oxygen and other chemicals. 


(74] 


“MOOSOTA WOIJ JOOIIp PodAlde1I UIeqG PAY SA1ap4IO A]19}}e] nq SdoJIeNhHy; 

I [ IG 2 SfoJIeNbpesy ule 2u1 UYUSsno1yi 
A[ISIB] pezPeIIp SVM BOLIZUY ul Bepuesedoid 94) 9ull) 1ey IV ‘ul[zaq Jo Bunion BASES Bike 
ayosnaq 94} WoOIJ Usye} UOTeZIUeSIO Vpuesedoad HAVYysS[Ooq 294} Jo WeIseIp oneueyos 

















eunyir 312 (NW 20g ) 289 2% [13] 9 per rlounsyay iy 














“yf Uind{ve) ye, NIM Yyoow LY wrzn 27/2928 EG) z we astény son apr wrspiaxjdroy Ell Lhd seg ‘9 “Nw 
S*929/21920 


SFY yn ay 
atsoyy ‘Epu Pbedogy , baie 


(3 voygssbunpuigiay 








Za 
x 
ed 
= 
= 
< 


7. 


. . N Fro) 
= ; S) EE S) — ; 
SSG - = ‘ K 

4 


ee 
v o> WUW>.- 
: er isayvene = Gaw, Z < 









-~ 


3V3SYVK 


- 


= 
’ 
’ 
‘ 





An) 


P| 





TN 


< 
Ae 
4 


MOSON > mows 


MMH: 


‘ 
' 
‘ 
‘ 
' 
‘ 
‘ 
‘ 
‘ 
1 
‘ 
‘ 
' 
‘ 


VME 
QY 
% 


a 





sobuoy ‘7 
voynpssbunpurg soy vay nyssbunpurg.sog 





Ppsyig 
Dpwxbodasy'a rbouoi »purvsp n abou 
pe ty. aos) puobodoy in abo + lea 
‘“Mouonpesiurdig 2419495 pun IPPYO 
DpUPOYCOL WIYIPIDP UMMIY2Z0Q 12D U0? 
2p Der UDbh dt, 
PD YP PP 102409 tap uoynorunhy 





e 
‘ 
' 
‘ 
he 

A ’ g 

5 
° 
‘ 
a 
eon 
d st Sa ete 
: if 

Yo, & ‘ 

. = Tes 
ee . 
3 hs 
2 te 
<b 

Phy * 

'@ 
if ‘ 
re 
te 
i i 
b > J 
* =i 
‘ 
? ave 
. 
t 
E me 
é ‘ 
eG 
Z . 
. 
- 4 
ope i 
1 
e to 
i 
, € 
. 
. 
Pyle 
i 
ey 
ay 
‘4 
od . 
il 
ot 
f 
Al 
i iy 
& 
aad 
z - 
3° ee 
he 8 
! 
ay pars 
a 
S 
 ,  ® 
# . 
ve ae 
ao & 
Le es 
fi 
s on 
. ¥ ; 
% hear} 
oS z 
‘ 
e 
ay . 
pa S 
¢ . 
i 
af 
uly 
A 
/ * 
ars 
f 
<7 
i) 
. » 
' 
i] 
=) 
O] J 


¥ . Py ary : {Is vs ~ be 
» 4 . é - 
‘ « be é 
" F ye as 
ny a d ‘ 
‘ } ip : ~} 
i fi'- A 
3 I 7i 
‘ ' y ' : 
j } ’ 
“ * 
) Ls 
' 
{ 
" ; 4 1 ss 
‘ ) i Pa 
a 4 
‘ peor 
tik os 
S ! 
i : “ 


re 


£ 
= 
* he - 
wun 

= 





al = we = 
ae Pas av i eee: 
1 ris Ps a! : ’ 
# ' 
vo oe 
= ri ‘ 
me 
PF ‘ at a aA 
s) ‘ ' ® 
J Te he . . re 4 
Pa | a 
* ' a | 
{ ca apenas 
‘ r 
. s ee ? u x 
oe ‘ ie | 
a9 MW i 
7 
vend , i 
‘ 
. ' " (om 
% + “ j 
1 ea i é 
. f ' 
ae: oe v.. -*# 
- J) via 
j : 
\ J 
& iL} ? * i. 
. he * 
cae " 2 ? 
re ‘ i o 
: Nea LA - : 
3 A 
: x FE ot rs toe 


ot 
rf 
: pire 
- cs 
i - ae 
’ 
. 
. ‘ aa 
a J, 
é 
q * 
4 * Le mall 
ake 
9 ‘ 
- 4 
4 cma 
‘ : 4 : ak 
ae Je: + 
‘ yy 
F fn ‘ “% 
ou : aa i 
-'» 
4; - is 
: 
y ' ? 
- { a a 
F a4 J rt 
at 4 \ 
7 , 
5 ’ a 
” bs 7 S td, 
’ ‘ Be 
i Pi 
Sy ¥ ‘ : a 
~ i 2 : 
or b se 
“ e 4 
Oats . 
4 , i 
ri atk 3 oe ~ 
7 mn ‘ ar 
4! . a ; 
4 
i iy = 
i AEM TS Shae 
at § 4 j 
' 
- : - , 
aa | ‘ WU er i 
* * : 7 ra 
2 e ‘ 
Zé aes 


% or ; 
+ A 
2 . J 
* * “ 
; Th ° 7 rd 
* 
b i a Xf 2 
% ‘inne i 
y 2. > te 
oe w 4, > ae 
" = + : eh ' i - 


is vet _ - ‘ af 
af is a i 


pal Al 7 ne 


ras a 


= any oe P 
rah) ad ; rey 
WA Se sheng, ae Ay hess BPs 2 Pry Sci 
; A wee io - 
; f ey : 
ee ad 7 i. et) me 
j | i‘: 


P) 
9 5 
i.e? : ? ‘ : ‘ 
"i h f 
? a 7 
sd in 
f i 5 
4 “o' 
al 1 





Sart ba aaa a 


a 





RADICAL PUBLICATIONS AND LITERATURE 


tions A and B, conducting a special information and communications service 
under the management of a member of the Extraordinary Commission, the 
Che-Ka. The official section is conducted by Litvinov in Reval. Here are 
the printing offices, the information bureaus, and warehouses for goods 
that will be required, should rapprochement with other countries be per- 
fected. 

“Litvinov also has charge of the Central offices in Helsingfors, Riga, 
Kovne, Prague, Vienna, Rome, Stockholm, Copenhagen, London and Berlin. 
The Russian money for the feeding of the chest of the Russian missions 
is being forwarded by Litvinov either directly to those offices or to Berlin 
for further transmission. It also is being used for the support of the 
Communist groups, mainly those in Vienna, Prague and Berlin. 

“Berlin is ranking first among the Bolshevik central offices. It is 
overrun with Soviet agents. Its head is Wigdor Kopp, with his secretary, 
Stomuniak. The main offices are located in the Massenstrasse, Nr. 9. With 
this there are connected further separate bureaus constituting together 
an enormous administrative apparatus. The Berlin office is supporting the 
paper, Rote Fahne, and is conducting the Red press bureau in the Muenz- 
strasse, 24, issuing reports which are being scattered in enormous quantities 
through Europe and the United States. The office is directed by the German 
Communist, Anna Geier. The Berlin central office disposes of vast funds. 
It is obliged to maintain, however, an army of agents, informers, couriers, 
clubs, newspapers, etc. Kopp also is subsidizing a shipping company; 
his real name is Kopelevich. He places great confidence in the organiza- 
tion ‘Peace and Work,’ which is managed by Prof. Stankevich and the 
journalist Golubsov, endeavoring to reconcile the Russian emigres with the 
Soviet Government. 

“The secret sections are working by means of strikes, sabotage, provo- 
cations and economic crises. Their Central Office is administered from 
Moscow and is under the direction of Zinoviev, Dzierzinsky, Kamenev, 
Kursky and others. Every foreign country has there its representative. 
Among them there is the Englishman, MacLean, who was arrested recently 
in England during the demonstrations of the unemployed. The main and 
sub-arteries are indicated on the chart. Seven of them are connecting Mos- 
cow with the centres of Europe. [The United States comes directly under 
Berlin—Author. | 

“The second place after Berlin is Prague. It is the connecting main 
between Moscow and Paris. The office in Milan is directing the Italian, the 
Swiss and the Yugoslav Districts. Offices of similar importance are situ- 
ated in Rome, Zagreb, Belgrade, Sofia, Adrianople and Constantinople, all 
of which are directed from Adrianople. Roumania is under special direc- 
tion of Rakovsky in Kiev. The well-organized Western sections of Zurich 
and London under the management of Rubalsky are worthy of mention. 
London is a subdivision of the Paris section and is receiving special atten- 
tion from Moscow. Toulouse is connected with Spain, while Belgium and 
Holland are connected with Paris. 

“This enormous organization could not be changed or overthrown in 


[75] 





REDS IN AMERICA 





a night. Changes of individuals might take place but they could not dis- 
turb the entire structure. The organization of the Bolshevik propaganda 
as outlined here is working for the only great goal for which it has been 
created, which is Universal Revolution.” 

While the Berlin organization, with the multitude of tentacles as out- 
lined above, serves to direct the attitude of the papers of the United States 
and various other countries as well, along lines for the general Communist 
movement, editors of the radical newspapers are permitted great freedom 
in handling their local situations and problems. Every strike, every polit- 
ical disturbance, every racial clash is seized upon to promote the cause of 
radicalism and to serve as an agency for an attack upon the “capitalistic” 
state and form of society. On these lines the radical press in the United 
States leads the world, for the Communists abroad have passed the stage 
of development where they have to be continuously aroused. The for- 
eigner in the United States, dependent in large measure for his information 
and almost entirely for his reading matter upon the radical press, needs_ 
to have his mind concentrated on his “wrongs” in order to keep him at the 
proper pitch of rebellious feeling. 

Therefore, the radical press, pursues its tireless course with steadily in- 
creasing skill in fastening upon those issues in the industrial and political 
life of the United States which lend themselves, often neatly enough, to 
the cause of radicalism. The characteristic feature about this attitude of 
blame, contemptuous or ironic, as the case may be, is that never by any 
chance is a fair or good word, even an extenuating word, said for the exist- 
ing state of things. Never, by any chance, is an effort made, never even 
a suggestion, to improve conditions that exist; the sole aim and object is 
utterly to destroy the present social system before considering the moves 
that will have to be made in effecting the establishment of the Dictatorship 
of the Proletariat in America. Everything that is, is wrong, they say; all 
is black, and there is no relief or betterment in sight because relief and 
betterment are not to be looked for in a cesspool of iniquity. Read their 
press day after day and its influence will not be denied. A blatant chau- 
vinism might be proof against it. An intelligent appreciation of it, pro and 
con, is not to be found belittling it. How a full symp'athy with it must be 
nourished and strengthened, it is disconcerting to think. 

The proletariat of the United States, the Communists and other radical 
leaders believe, has passed the stage where wild excitement is necessary to 
waken workers to appreciation of what they must do. Accordingly a change 
appears in their press. In 1920 the efforts of press and agitators were 
devoted to exciting the workers to radicalism in thought and deed. The 
most inflammatory appeals were printed and broadcasted by every means that 
could be found in which the law could be evaded. But today the propa- 
ganda is far more insidious. The minds of the workers have been filled 
with the necessity of overthrowing the Government by violence and now 
they are being trained to the work which is regarded solely as preliminary 
to the great “mass action”. That is why the united front is being preached 
and stressed on every occasion. The Freiheit, the daily organ of the Jewish 


[76] 


RADICAL PUBLICATIONS AND LITERATURE 


Federation of the Workers’ Party, the “legal” political branch of the Com- 
munist party of America, in discussing strikes editorially, said in the 
Autumn of 1922: 

“The ‘right to work’ has no meaning to them [the employers] when 
they lock out the workers, reorganize the factories, have the work done 
outside (in order to deprive their own workers of work) and demand for 
themselves the right to discharge employees. The worker is to them of 
lesser value than a machine. 

“A machine is not thrown out when there is not enough work to keep 
it going. The worker, however, who creates all the wealth for his employer 
through the sweat of his brow is thrown out in the street when there is not 
enough work to keep him busy. 

“We are not discussing this with the railroad companies or other em- 
ployers. We do not want to preach morals to them. We only want that 
the workers themselves conceive fully the ‘sacred right to work.’ 

“The present crisis will not last forever, and not always will the pres- 
ent masters have the upper hand. The time will come when the workers 
will realize their power and will remind themselves of ‘the right to work’. 

“The workers will acquire the right to work with the abolishment of 
the rights of the employers over the industries and with the substitution of 
the dictatorship of the masters with that of the workers.” 

As an example of the radical press’ efforts to keep the spirit of the 
workers up to fighting pitch, a couple of paragraphs from a recent number 
of Uj Elore, a Hungarian daily Communist paper of New York, will suffice, 
This paper, in an editorial printed in September, 1922, shows the character- 
istic hope that out of the railroad and coal strikes, or any other similar 
strikes, may grow the means to the great end, the triumph of Communism 
through the general strike. In part this editoral says: 

“The new factor of the American labor movement is the spiritual 
trend which fills with revolutionary solidarity the awakening masses. Soon 
there will appear, in every fight of the workers, that feeling of revolu- 
tionary solidarity which gives the masses participating in the fight a strong 
push, which makes them feel that they no longer fight only for temporary 
advantages, not only to preserve the attained results, but that they enter the 
fight on a wider basis, affecting the whole working class. The revolutionary 
aim steps to the foreground. 

“The Communist self-consciousness of the workers has become a power- 
ful weapon against capitalism which is already shocked by this strength, 
although the workers have not even used yet the weapon that has become 
hardened (as steel) by solidarity. What is this weapon? 

“The thought of a GENERAL STRIKE is this weapon which has be- 
come manifest among broad ranks in spite of all the soothing efforts of the 
trade union pashas. The workers want to employ this weapon, they demand 
that it be employed. . . The mass has issued the password that the terror 
of the government must be answered by a general strike.” 

“The masses grow more and more in favor of the revolutionary fight 
and with this they voluntarily accept Communist leadership. In trade 


(77] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


EPH) CLO TBE AE ECE NS ND ORIG eel aga SF Ns IRR 8 at, aT RW Clee ee ee ee 


unions the members know already that the bourgeoisie do not represent the 
interests of the workers and the court injunction has made even those sober 
who up to now supported the Gompers policy.” 

“The powerful weapon flashed up in the hands of the workers of Amer- 
ica; the bourgeoisie is looking trembling toward the developments. In the 
strained situation the sober, earnest and conscious words of the Communists 
have a commanding effect. It is up to the workers of America whether they 
will progress according to the revolutionary finger-post towards victory.” 

The cleverness of the editorial forces of the various Communist and 
other radical publications is frequently shown in hints of violence which 
leave in the readers’ minds thoughts of possibilities that will lead to the 
desired end. Editorials which are almost as “gentle as a sucking dove” are 
more often than not wholly inimical to the Government in spirit and are 
bound to leave inflammatory ideas in the minds of the readers. And often an 
apparently mild, but insidiously terroristic editorial will conclude with a 
single paragraph breathing violence; as for example, the following para- 
graph from a recent number of Laisve, a Lithuanian Communist daily 
published in Brooklyn: 

“Only when the workers manifest their solidarity and their clenched 
mass fist does the Government begin to reckon with them and speak about 
their constitutional rights—only then does the Government allow the pro- 
letariat a certain amount of concessions.” 

It is impossible to give more than a hint of the work being done by 
the Communist and other radical press of the United States. Every one 
of the upward of a hundred radical daily newspapers, not to mention the 
weeklies, monthlies, pamphlets and books, are filled with matter breathing 
defiance to the established order of government in the United States and 
urging the workers to take the reins in their own hands, as was done in 
Russia, and establish the longed-for dictatorship. 

In every city in the country there is a committee of the Communist 
party of America whose duties are to find ways of presenting their pro- 
paganda to non-Communists through the medium of what is called the “con- 
servative” press. Unfortunately, the desire of most metropolitan daily 
papers to be fair and permit both sides of any question which is mentioned 
in its columns to be presented, offers an excellent opportunity, of which 
the Communists are quick to take advantage for the dissemination of Com- 
munist propaganda through newspapers which are distinctly loyal. Fre- 
quently American publications are imposed upon and print letters and 
signed articles which have been contributed under various guises and which 
in fact are merely clever designs of the Communists to establish a connec- 
tion with a reputable publication for improper use in the future. 

The columns of periodicals like The Nation, The Freeman and The New 
Republic have been freely and widely opened for Communist propaganda to 
appeal to the so-called “intellectuals” who read those papers. This is not so 
serious, for the policy of those publications is plainly evident to anyone. 
They are classed as revolutionary and make no disclaimer to the charges 
that they are engaged, partially, at least, in spreading the doctrines of the 


[78] 





‘ ce a 
; : Ex No. af: 
oe 2 ; 
Noo UV. B. Dist. Ccurt, 
LG, tee nee x. 


Mani acce ; AFA 23 1916 





© om Soe 


ter und 


EDITOR CARTER AE DSi POLITICIAN MIIMISTEIR 











This cartoon, illustrating the anti-Christian character of the revolutionary 
movement in the United States, was first published in Max HEastman’s paper, The 
Masses, suppressed during the war and revived in the present Liberator. It was 
drawn by the radical cartoonist, Art Young and was captioned, ‘““Having their Fling.” 


Subsequently it was reproduced in the now defunct socialist and pro-Bolshevik paper, 
The New York Call. 





RADICAL PUBLICATIONS AND LITERATURE 





revolutionists. But when a publication like the official Journal of the Amer- 
ican Bankers’ Association falls into a trap laid for it, one must express 
surprise. If any organization in the country should be conservative it 
is that of the bankers’. And when a number of the official organ of that 
organization came from the press with an article by Ivan Narodny (alias 
Mueller, alias Ivan Ivanovitch, alias Jaan Siboul, alias Jaan Talue) a sus- 
pect during the war, there was reason for surprise. The article, to be sure, 
was an ostensible attack on the Soviet government in Russia, but it was 
planted for ulterior purposes after a considerable discussion and carefully 
laid plans by the Communists here, who had a quiet laugh at the ease 
with which they effected an entrance to the bourgeois press. Narodny has 
served time for counterfeiting, has long been and admits that he is an 
active revolutionist, working from Russia, and has had a career of crime 
the details of which would fill a book. 

All the radical press of the United States are considered official organs 
by the Communist party, for all the official orders from Moscow are given 
to each publication in order that the instructions may reach all members 
of the party. As an example of this there appeared a proclamation 
signed by the Executive Committee of the Communist International, 
dated at Moscow July 22, 1922, calling upon “The Workingmen and Work- 
ingwomen of All Countries” to keep up the fight for help for Russia. Re- 
ferring to the demands of the sane countries of the world that private 
property be respected by the Soviet government before the question of 
recognition will be considered, this proclamation says: 

“As regards the factories and mines . . . Soviet Russia has 
stated that she will never and on no account return them. . . . The Rus- 
sian proletariat will not return them, because otherwise the rivers of blood 
by which it has saved the revolution will have been spilled in vain. The 
October revolution which gave the factories and the estates into the hands 
of the Russian leaders, was the first step made by the international prole- 
tariat towards liberation from the capitalistic yoke. No backward step will 
be taken, cost what it may.” 

The Communist and other radical papers not only have their own car- 
toonists, of whom Art Young is the most prolific and most effective, and 
poets and paragraphers, whose ability cannot be questioned, but they have 
their own press service in the Federated Press. This is in part a co- 
operative association of labor and radical papers. Its aim has been to collect 
and distribute all news pertaining to the labor and radical movements. It 
endeavored to get the sanction of the conservative labor organizations, but 
its radicalism was too well known and in this the effort failed. The Com- 
munist party of America considers the Federated Press its own press ser- 
vice organization, and it is certain that several of the officials of the press 
service are active members of the Communist party. Upwards of two hun- 
dred papers in the United States are affiliated with the Federated Press. 
Louis P. Lochner is European director and acting business manager, and 
has an office in Berlin, where he is in close touch with the International 
Propaganda Bureau of the Communist International. 


[79] 


REDS IN AMERICA 





In order to facilitate the collection of funds for the Federated Press 
and through it the dissemination of radical propaganda, a Federated Press 
League was organized in Chicago on February 4, 1922. By this League 
membership in the Federated Press is stimulated, funds are collected 
frequently from parlor Bolshevik circles and wealthy people who believe 
they are giving to aid the ‘down-trodden’ to express themselves and make 
themselves heard by the rest of humanity. A number of chain papers have 
been established from Boston to Los Angeles, and agents of the League, 
who are really working for the cause of the Communist party of America, 
are active in every city in the country. The officials of the League, elected 
at the Chicago meeting were: Robert Morss Lovett, president; Mrs. Frances 
C. Lillie, vice-president; George B. Hooker, vice-president; E. C. Went- 
worth, treasurer; and Clark H. Getts, secretary. 

It is evident that the Communist element is gaining control entirely of 
this news-gathering organization. Besides the Berlin office, an office has 
been established in Moscow and the Communist International uses this 
office for the purpose of sending out manifestos and strong propa- 
ganda, to be published in this country. According to Robert M. Buck, 
chairman of the Executive Board, who is connected with the New Majority, 
a radical publication in Chicago, the central figures in the Federaied Press 
are Jack Carney, editor of the radical Voice of Labor; Arul Swabeck, a Finn 
and Editor of Nytio who controlled ten votes at the Chicago meeting; 
Editor Feinburg, of Solidarity; William Z. Foster, head of the Trade Union 
Educational League and a delegate to the illegal convention of the Com- 
munist party of America at Bridgman, Mich; Carl Haessler, the college 
professor who spent two years in the penitentiary; Mabel Search, of 
Milwaukee; Clark H. Getts, who has served a jail term; Carroll Binder, 
a college man; Louis P. Lochner, the European representative, and Maude 
McCreery, the woman agitator who was active in the establishment of 
chain papers throughout the country?. 

E. J. Costello was manager of the Federated Press until, because of 
a wrangle in the board, he was dismissed and Car! Haessler' took his place. 
William Z. Foster, who among his numerous radical activities is a member 
of the board of trustees of the Garland Foundation, expected to turn over 
$100,000 of the Foundation to the Federated Press, and told a number of 
people that he was going to do so, but the row in the management of the 
organization upset these plans. Among the people to whom Foster made 
this statement were Mrs. Kate Crane Gartz, the Pasadena society parlor 
Bolshevik, and Charlie Chaplin, the motion picture comedian. Foster 
also told them that the Garland Foundation could be depended upon when- 
ever anyone got into trouble because of radical political opinions. 


1 For the year 1928, Carl Haessler was managing editor, and Tom ‘Tippett, business 
manager. C. A. Moseley, editor. The Executive Board was composed of: Thomas 
R. Downie, chairman, ‘‘Labor News,” Galesburg, Ill.: Jeseph Schlossberg, vice-chair- 
man, ‘“Advance’’, New York; E. B. Ault, ‘‘Union Record’, Seattle; R. D. Craemer, 
“Labor Review’’, Minneapolis; Matti Tenhunen, ‘‘Tvomies’’, Superior, Wis.; William 
Z. Foster, ‘‘Labor Herald’’, Chicago; Arne Swabeck, ‘Nv Tid’’, Chicago; J. A. Loch- 
ray, “Midwest Labor News’’, Omaha; Albert F. Coyle, “Brotherhood of Locomotive 
Engineers’ Journal’, Cleveland. 


[80] 


RADICAL PUBLICATIONS AND LITERATURE 





Several of the organizers of the Communist party and its “legal” political 
branch, the Workers’ party, among them William Thurston Brown, of San 
Francisco, were promised regular monthly salaries by Foster to be paid 
from the Garland Foundation. 

A detailed account of how thoroughly the work of organization and 
especially of collecting money for the furtherance of the aim of the Com- 
munist party is done will prove interesting as well as illuminating. Bruce 
Rogers, a leading Communist of Seattle, went secretly to Los Angeles, ar- 
riving there on the night of March 24, 1922, to raise money for the Feder- 
ated Press League and at the same time to spread Communist propaganda. 
These two objects were specified in his instructions for the trip. A secret 
conference was held March 26 at which Rogers met William Thurston 
Brown, Ella Reeve Bloor, who was a delegate to the illegal convention at 
Bridgman, and Alfred Bush. Rogers explained the purpose of his trip and 
proposed that small groups of “thoroughly grounded Communists” who 
are members of craft unions travel from place to place and join the local 
unions during their short sojourns in industrial centers for the purpose of 
uniting the radical factions and starting Communist nuclei within the craft 
unions. He said that a group of printers and stereotypers had come to 
Seattle from Detroit and worked along those lines. 

Those present at this conference endorsed the Roger plan as he out- 
lined it and decided to get in touch with San Francisco, Portland, Seattle, 
Salt Lake City and Chicago for the purpose of inviting such groups of 
militant, foot-loose craft union men to go to Los Angeles and strengthen 
the local radical movement. 

Rogers went to the Labor Temple in Los Angeles, but he later told 
friends that he had anything but a cordial reception there. He said the 
Federated Press had been laboring under a misapprehension when thinking 
that its news represents the viewpoint of the average American-born worker, 
who, he said, is as yet wrapped up in the capitalistic ideology. He made a 
short trip to San Diego but returned in time to speak at a meeting of the 
open forum of the Socialist party. He was introduced as the representative 
of the Federated Press service and spoke on “The Origin of Newspapers 
and the Press Service.”” He afterwards told friends that he was very well 
satisfied with the way his Communist propaganda was received. His head- 
quarters in Los Angeles were at the Van Winkle Hotel, No. 349 South 
Olive street, kept by an Irish woman, an old-timer in the radical movement, 
who has sheltered many Communists in her hostelry. 

On the evening of April 6 a secret meeting was held at the home of a 
Mr. and Mrs. Kashub, at which were present Ella Reeve Bloor, Arthur 
Cotter, a Miss Moran, well known among the public school teachers because 
of her radicalism, Rogers, a Mrs. Mellentine, who is a member of the Sever- 
ance Club of Los Angeles, and five others. There were no introductions 
and the meeting was shrouded in strictest secrecy. At this meeting further 
plans for the work of the Communist party were agreed upon, especially 
as to Rogers’ work on the Pacific Coast. Rogers was scheduled to speak 
at the Modern School on the night of April 17, but cancelled the lecture be- 


[81] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


eed 
= 7 a 





cause of the small attendance, for which he blamed lack of advertising. 
Mrs. Bloor was speaking the same night at a widely advertised meeting 
at the Shelley Club under the auspices of the Young People’s Forum. This 
led to an arrangement with Emanuel Levin to establish a clearing-house 
for radical speakers so there would not again come about a conflict of dates. 

Rogers worked his way into parlor bolshevik circles, using his connec- 
tion with the Federated Press as an opening wedge. He was after big 
game, planning to raise enough money from wealthy radicals in Pasadena, 
Hollywood and Los Angeles to establish a chain of papers in the Southwest 
to be controlled by the Federated Press. He was the guest of the Writers’ 
Club in Hollywood, where he said he met a number of men with radical 
ideas who support the Federated Press. Mrs. Martha Kashub, Mrs. Gaylord 
Wilshire and Countess Korzybska (Lady Edgerly) gave him valuable 
leads. On the night of April 12, he spoke at the Shelley Club about the 
necessity of building up a radical press service in the United States. Much 
of his lecture was taken from Upton Sinclair’s “Brass Check.” 

‘To some of his closest friends he told the real object of his trip to 
Los Angeles. He told them that the Federated Press, which was the only 
radical press service in the country, could not exist on the support it re- 
ceived from labor organizations for two reasons: first it did not represent 
the viewpoint of the great mass of organized labor, being far too advanced 
and revolutionary for the conservative American-born working man; and 
second, that no enterprise was ever financed by “passing the hat,” explain- 
ing that he meant that the small contributions of organized labor were not 
sufficient to keep the Federated Press going. 

Consequently, he said, the Federated Press representatives from Boston 
to the Pacific Coast had been instructed to go after the wealthy liberals 
and get as many life members for the Federated Press League at $1,000 
each as possible. “Do not offend the liberals and do anything to please 
the parlor reds,” he said, is to be the watchword of the Federated Press. 
The interesting feature of this is that Rogers and many other representatives 
of the Federated Press are Communists and their propaganda and money- 
raising activities pave the way for later penetration on the part of the 
Communist party whose open emissaries follow the leads and use the 
“sucker lists” they get from men like Rogers. 

Rogers was greatly pleased with the result of his visit to San Diego 
although it was brief. He reported that all the labor unions in San Diego 
had voted to support the Federated Press, and although in nearly every 
instance there was a motion to divide the money with Soviet Russia for 
famine relief the trip proved a financial success. He said that support 
from the “highbrow” radicals was also forthcoming in a generous manner, 
and that the Templeton Johnsons, a very wealthy family of San Diego, were 
the only ones who had refused him when he had asked them for a $1000 
donation, although formerly they had been among the chief supporters of 
the Federated Press. He mentioned as one who had given “very liberally” 
Lyman J. Gage, formerly president of the First National Bank of Chicago, 
and Secretary of the Treasury under President McKinley and President 


[82] 


RADICAL PUBLICATIONS AND LITERATURE 


Roosevelt. Of course Mr. Gage, who was then very old and had for years 
been a resident at Katherine Tingley’s Theosophical Society colony on 
Point Loma, had no idea that his money was to be used to further the plans 
of a conspiracy directed at the overthrow by violence of the Government 
which he had once served. It simply shows the ease with which the Com- 
munists finance their work. 

In addition to these wealthy people from whom he secured money, 
Rogers also told of finding a thriving colony of parlor Bolsheviki in San 
Diego who pledged their aid to the cause. In this connection he spoke 
of a certain Dr. Stone and a Dr. Ritter as among his “prospects.” Rogers’ 
trip to San Diego was not casual; he was ordered by the Central Executive 
Committee of the Communist party of America to go to that city during the 
convention there of the Congress of Social Workers and to spread propa- 
ganda among the many radicals and semi-radicals in attendance. 

Robert Morss Lovett, then president of the Federated Press League, wrote 
Rogers while he was in Los Angeles, urging him to canvass the movie colony 
at Hollywood, giving him the names of prominent actors who “helped us 
before and will do it again.” Lovett has since denied having written this 
letter, but his name is signed to it and affidavits are in the posession of 
proper authorities testifying to the facts as here stated. This letter, written 
from Chicago under date of April 29, reads: 

“Dear Bruce: Mr. Getts and I just returned from Milwaukee and 
find your letter of the 15th in which you inclosed $500. A former letter 
also received while we were away inclosed $700, making a total of $1200 
sent into the office this month. 

“Mr. Getts will answer your letters himself, but I wanted to take up’ 
with you the matter of canvassing the Movie Colony at Hollywood. First 
I want to tell you that I have personally written to about fifteen big pro- 
ducers and prominent actors at Hollywood, including Wm. C. De Mille, 
Allan Hollabar, Von Stroheim, Percival T. Gerson, Will Rogers, Charles 
Ray and Charlie Chaplin. These men are with us. They helped us before 
and will do it again. Present the situation strong and don’t let them get 
off easy, for we need the money and need it badly. Work through the 
Severance Club and it will be easy for you. 

“IT may join you in San Francisco next month, for we must put it over, 
and put it over by August or we will be out of the office. 

“Good luck to you, Bruce. Please work hard. Your commission 
should be in Los Angeles by the 4th of May. 

“Warmly yours, 
“(Signed) Robert Morss Lovett.” 

After raising many thousands of dollars from the wealthy supporters 
of radicalism in Los Angeles, Rogers went to Pasadena where there is a 
large group of parlor Bolsheviki. On Sunday, June 11, Rogers met at the 
home of a Mrs. Ellsworth, in the fashionable Oak Knoll District, a number 
of wealthy radicals, including Mrs. Kate Crane Gartz, Mrs. Gaylord Wil- 
shire, Mrs. Van Toll, Prince Hopkins and others. He addressed them on 
behalf of the Federated Press, saying frankly that it was the only avenue 


[83] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


through which the Communists, the Workers’ party and the Trade Union 
Educational League could reach the working class and all those interested 
in the working class struggle. He said that the Federated Press was in dire 
need of funds and that he had been instructed to raise $25,000 in and 
around Los Angeles. After his address he talked privately with most of 
those present. 

Rogers left Los Angeles for San Francisco June 15. The radical land- 
lady at whose hotel he lived said that Rogers did more for the radical cause 
during his two months in Los Angeles than had ever been done before. She 
said that he, under the pretense of raising money for the Federated Press, 
had collected more than $20,000 for the Communists. Part of the money, 
he said, will be turned over to the Federated Press but it will be spent for 
the same purpose, for Rogers told her, she said, the Federated Press 1s 
gradually growing into the one news gathering agency which is firmly con- 
trolled by the Communists. Rogers collected money from the Liberals 
saying that the Federated Press was nothing more than an independent press 
service interested solely in getting the truth before the people; and from 
the labor unions saying that it was about to become the official organ of 
the American Federation of Labor. The latter statement, however, drew 
forth a rebuke from Francis Drake, editor of the local American Federation 
ef Labor organ, who said that the Federated Press was spreading Communist 
propaganda colored in the interests of disruptionists like William Z. Foster, 
Alexander Howatt, and Curley Grow. 


| 84] 


CHAPTER FIVE 
“LEGAL ORGANIZATIONS 


When the Communist party of America was officially declared to be 
an illegal organization in the United States, its avowed object being the 
overthrow by violence of the established government of this country 
and the inauguration of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat here, 
it immediately. burrowed underground—and continued to function 
with even greater activity. But in order to carry on the propaganda for 
the soviet form of government in the United States, as it was under orders 
from Moscow to do, it became necessary to find some way of “legal expres- 
sion” in order to reach the people of whom it hoped to make converts. 
There was no need to waste time, money and energy in spreading Communist 
propaganda among Communists, but it was highly important that some 
means be found quickly to reach the hated bourgeoisie, to show them the 
beauties of Communism and to raise them to the high radical estate of 
Russia. 

It was also necessary to have organizations to secure funds from the 
bourgeoisie to be expended in fighting the battle of the united front, for 
mass action against the present order of church, home and state. For it 
has been from the outset, as established by the Russian Reds, the method of 
the Communists to extract money from the rich to finance their overthrow. 
This matter was the subject of much deliberation among the members of 
the inner circle of the Communist party underground, and experts were 
sent from Moscow to aid in the solution of this important problem. Finally, 
means were found and today there are four chief organizations, classed as 
“Tegal,” by which the fight against the United States Government may be 
carried out and financed. There are also a number of subordinate bodies 
working to aid the chief “legal” branches as well as non-Communist organ- 
izations the activities of which directly lend aid to the work “in the open” 
of the Communists underground. 

The legal organizations are definitely controlled by the Communist 
party of America which, in turn, is controlled by the inner Soviet circle in 
Moscow. The programs for work by the legal organizations are drawn up 
by the Central Executive Committee of the Communist party and approved 
by Moscow before being put into operation by the various bodies whose 
activities are known to the public. It was partly for the purpose of effecting 
the contact between the legal bodies, the Communist party of America and 
the directing head at Moscow that the illegal convention of the Communist 
party was held in Bridgman, Mich., when it was raided by the Michigan 
State authorities. The delegates to this convention, while influenced largely 


[85] 





REDS IN AMERICA 





by the words and acts of the Central Executive Committee, were really the 
authorized representatives of the party to decide on the best means for 
putting into action the instructions from Moscow. | 

An example of the activities of the legal branches of the party is the 
dissemination of information regarding the interest taken by the Moscow 
Central Bureau of the Communist movement in the situation in the United 
States. Early in September, 1922, the Central Executive Committee of the 
Communist party of America received from Moscow an appeal to the 
workers of England to aid the striking coal miners of the United States. 
The Central Executive Committee immediately set to work translating this 
document and the distribution of the translation was made throughout 
the country to the legal organizations in order that it might be made 
known to as many working men as possible. By this it was hoped to attract 
non-Communist workers to the ranks of the Communists, as the argument 
was used that the Moscow Government was fighting for the American working 
man and woman. This document, copies of which were sent to all Com- 
munist parties in the world, translated by the Central Executive Committee, 
reads as follows: 


FOR THE AID OF THE STRIKING MINERS 
OF AMERICA 


“Workers of England: 

“Tt is now four months that the fierce struggle of the American miners 
with the Coal Barons is going on. For several months hundreds of thou- 
sands of workers without regard to language or race are defending them- 
selves against the attacks of the American Financial Kings. An army of 
hired workers from the camp of the bourgeoisie, the establishment of mar- 
tial law, a whole army of provocateurs, have been unable to break their 
unitedness and compel them to work for the exploiters for a further reduced 
pay. 

“THEIR HEROIC DEFENSE IS BEGINNING TO BEAR FRUITS. 

“THE COAL RESERVES ACCUMULATED BY THE CAPITALISTS 
FOR THIS STRUGGLE ARE EXHAUSTED. AMERICAN INDUSTRY 
IS BECOMING EXHAUSTED; THE CAPITALISTS ARE FACING THE 
MENACE OF A GREAT DEFEAT. 


“It is well known to the English capitalists that a defeat of the Amer- 
ican exploiters will mean their own defeat and a strengthening of the 
English wage slaves. They have realized what constitutes their class in- 
terest and are coming to the assistance of American mine owners. They 
are loading and shipping to America a whole fleet with coal. Every steamer 
with coal arriving in a North American harbor strengthens the forces of 
the coal barons and nullifies the results which have been attained by the 
struggling workers. 

“THERE EXISTS THE DANGER THAT THE STRUGGLE OF OUR 
PROLETARIAN COMRADES, UNEXAMPLED IN ITS LENGTH AND 


[86] 


*“LEGAL’’ ORGANIZATIONS 


SELF-SACRIFICE, WILL BECOME LOST, THANKS TO THE INTER- 
NATIONAL UNION OF CAPITALISTS. 

“This must be countered by the international unity of the workers. 

“ENGLISH TRANSPORT WORKERS, HARBOR WORKERS, 
MINERS! IT IS YOUR TURN NOW. You must understand that every 
loading of a ship with coal being sent to America is a blow in the back 
to the workers who are struggling there. You must understand that you 
are rendering support to the capitalists to the extent of your failure to in- 
terfere with the delivery of coal to America. 

‘You must understand that the defeat of the American workers will 
inevitably react against you. The reduction of the wage scale and the in- 
crease of the working day in America will bring the same consequences in 
England. 

“If you present against the united front of the exploiters the united 
front of the exploited, then your aid will greatly increase the fighting 
strength of the American proletarians, and will help them to achieve victory. 
And you, equally with your American brothers, will reap the fruits of this 
victory. 

“This is why we call upon you to: 

“HASTEN TO THE ASSISTANCE OF THE AMERICAN STRUG- 

GLER! 
“DO NOT LOAD COAL FOR AMERICA! 
“LONG LIVE THE UNITY OF THE ENGLISH AND AMERICAN 
WORKERS! 
“LONG LIVE THE WORLD SOCIAL REVOLUTION! 
“LONG LIVE THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL! 
“ZINOVIEFF, 


“President of the Communist International.” 


Accompanying this appeal by Zinovieff were instructions to the Cen- 
tral Executive Committee of the Communist party of America to promote 
agitation in an effort to arouse the striking miners to a point of armed in- 
surrection. No opportunity is ever lost by the leaders of the world Com- 
munist movement to make of any trouble or disorder the spark to set off 
armed violence by which they hope to accomplish the overthrow of the 
government. These instructions are verbatim as follows: 

“The Central Committee of the Communist party of America must direct 
its particular attention to the progress of the strike of the miners of Amer- 
ica, 

‘‘Agitators and propagandists must be sent to the strike regions. 

“Tt is necessary to strive to arouse the striking coal miners to the point 
of armed insurrection. Let them blow up and flood the shafts. Shower 
the strike regions with proclamations and appeals. This arouses the revo- 
lutionary spirit of the workers and prepares them for the coming revolution 
of America. 


“ZINOVIEFF, 


“President of the Communist International,” 


[87] 





REDS IN AMERICA 





With this background it is possible to understand some of the work 
that is being done by the “legal” organizations through which the Com- 
munist party of America is able to spread the propaganda looking toward 
the overthrow by violence of the Government of the United States under 
orders from Moscow. It should also be borne in mind that these organiza- 
tions frequently change their names in order to mystify the authorities and 
fool the public. First, probably, in importance among the various legal 
organizations is the Workers’ party of America, ostensibly a political party 
of the laborers. The documents found at Bridgman, Mich., demonsirate 
beyond the question of a doubt that the Communist party controls and 
directs every action of the Workers’ party. By gathering the laborers of 
this country into a single political party and keeping them steeped in Com- 
munist propaganda the leaders believe they can make converts of them. 

The Workers’ party of America was born December 24, 1921, at a 
convention called by the American Labor Alliance, secretly organized by 
the Communist party as a “cover.” ‘The convention call invited delegates 
from ‘such organizations as the Finnish Socialist Federation, the Hungarian 
Federation, the Irish-American Labor Alliance; and the majority of the 
delegates to this convention was hand-picked by the Central Executive Com- 
mittee of the Communist party of America. The delegates represented, 
besides those organizations just mentioned, the Italian Workers’ Federation, 
the Jewish Workers’ Federation, the Jewish Socialist Federation and the 
Workers’ Educational Association. They came from Massachusetts, New 
York, Montana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Missouri, Wisconsin, [llinois, Minne- 
sota, Virginia, New Jersey, Michigan, Colorado and Kansas. There were 
164 delegates besides about one hundred fraternal delegates. One repre- 
sented the Industrial Workers of the World and two the African Blood 
Brotherhood. 

J. Louis Engdahl, in opening the convention, said that it had been 
called for the purpose of establishing in this country a real revolutionary 
political party “to wage successful combat against and finally to achieve 
the overthrow of American capitalism.” J. P. Cannon, at that time a member 
of the Central Executive Committee of the Cincinnati Communist party of 
America, told this first convention of the great victory that had been won 
by the workers in Russia, endeavored by inflammatory sentences to stir 
the delegates to revolutionary enthusiasm, and bitterly attacked capitalism. 
Caleb Harrison, one of the delegates to the Bridgman, Michigan, convention, 
was elected permanent chairman of the Workers’ party meeting; Margaret 
Prevey, vice chairman, and Elmer T. Allison, J. Louis Engdahl and W. W. 
Weinstone, another Bridgman delegate, secretaries. 

Christmas day was devoted to drafting the constitution of the Workers’ 
party. Efforts were made by some of the ultra-radicals to call for 1m- 
mediate revolution, and much time was wasted by violent debates and vir- 
ulent attacks upon the United States. But as the inner circles of the Com- 
munist party had prepared in advance the constitution these debates were 
merely in order to give the rabid radicals an opportunity to work off their 
heat. The following day William F. Dunne, then of Montana and now 


[88] 


i eet ee EE ee a Tet eect Se ee ed AU ent ee Sr ta 
““LEGAL’’ ORGANIZATIONS 





of that State and New York, and candidate for governor of New York in 
the 1922 elections on the Workers’ party ticket, made an impassioned ad- 
dress on the activities of the I. W. W. in the West. The Sacco and Vanzetti 
case was also taken up and condemnation of the United States was voiced 
in resolutions adopted. The convention delegates then stood while the 
Red Flag was sung. The purpose of the Workers’ party was described 
accurately in an editorial in Uj Elore, the Hungarian Communist paper: 


“For the last two years the great mass of the American proletariat 
stood without a direct political leader. Persecution has forced the only 
revolutionary political organization, the Communist party, under the 
ground and it could continue its activity only as an illegal organization. 
As an illegal organization it could reach the mass only indirectly; there- 
fore it could not exercise upon the mass such moral effect as is absolutely 
necessary in order to assert its leadership of the mass. The party 
itself never could have gained a bigger moral influence over the mass be- 
cause with its organizations it never could step to the front rank of the 
mass. However, in spite of the most severe ‘legal’ persecutions, the Com- 
munist work cannot stop; therefore, it is necessary to place a party at the 
head of the mass which, although revolutionary, cannot be persecuted. 
The Workers’ party will fulfill this task. 


“The Workers’ party will meet the requirements of the American pro- 
letariat. It will be a powerful weapon for class struggle which cannot 
be knocked out of the hand of the proletariat with the slogan of ‘lawless- 
ness. This party will take its stand at the head of every movement of the 
proletariat in order to lead it with revolutionary bravery and with Com- 
munist realism. 

“The Workers’ party will be based entirely upon the principles of the 
Third International. The organization of the Workers’ party is the first 
step toward a big and strong revolutionary mass movement. 


“The formation of this party proves, too, that, in spite of the per- 
secutions on the part of the bourgeoisie, the proletariat can stil] find 
means with which to continue its attacks against the capitalistic order. There 
is now such persecution as to make it impossible for us to continue the fight. 
The working class looks with confidence into the future; it will be led by 
a political party which uses the well-tried tactics of the Third International, 
a political party which knows no compromise.” 

The Workers’ party counts largely on support from the women voters. 
Great care was taken in effecting an organization which would reach all 
classes of working women, including, as the program states, “millions of 
workers, and farmers’ wives isolated from the general field of the organized 
working class struggle,” for it was deemed an absolute necessity to “win 
the women of the working class to the party’s ideal” and to “unite them for 
and link them to the general proletarian struggle.” Accordingly women’s 
branches were started in various parts of the country with leaders whose 
duties included spreading propaganda, the substance of which, subversive of 
the constitution, is dictated through the Workers’ party by the Central 


[89] 





REDS IN AMERICA 





Executive Committee of the Communist party of America. 

At the beginning of the railroad and coal strikes, when it was thought 
these troubles might lead to the longed-for General Strike which was to 
effect the violent overthrow of the Government of the United States and 
the establishment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, it was quickly seen 
that the women’s committees of the Workers’ party could do some excellent 
agitational work: among the families of the strikers. Accordingly, the 
National Women’s Committee, which is a secret body, on April 1, 1922, 
adopted and set in motion a program for women’s emergency work in the 
mining districts. A form set of resolutions was sent out to all women 
Communists in the districts to be adopted by the women committees to be 
formed, and specific instructions were given the Communists of which the 
following are portions: 

“Before bringing this resolution to a vote, the members of the nuclei 
[that is, the inner circles of Communists] and the Number One women 
[that is, the women members of the illegal organizations of Communists] 
should do a thorough piece of agitational work to insure its enthusiastic 
acceptance.” 

“As soon as the vote is taken, a meeting of women should be held 
under the auspices of the union. A working committee should be appointed. 
NUMBER ONE WOMEN SHOULD SEE TO IT THAT THEY ARE ON 
THE COMMITTEE. The Chairman, however, should be the local woman 
who has the most experience and been most active in past strikes, irrespec- 
tive of her being a member of Number One. This is important. 

“Other working women in the locality, who are sympathetic, should 
by all means be encouraged to attend meetings and participate in the work. 

“Number One women must not use this committee for propaganda 
UNCONNECTED WITH THE STRIKE. The efforts of Number One must 
be to create solidarity and morale. Plenty of opportunity for propaganda 
on issues directly related to the strike can be found. 

“Number One women should suggest to the women’s committees the 
forming of a literature committee with a view of publishing a leaflet for 
house-to-house distribution. The text of such a leaflet will be by the 
National Woman’s Committee. THIS SHOULD BE PRESENTED AS THE 
WORK OF A LOCAL WOMAN. It may be modified or enlarged to fit 
local conditions. 

“The National Women’s Committee urgently recommends that this 
emergency project, unanimously passed upon, SHALL REMAIN SECRET 
AND NOT SENT OUT TO THE MEMBERSHIP AT LARGE.” 

Finally, the last paragraph of the “Principles and Aims of the Workers’ 
party,” definitely and positively links this political organization with the 
Communist party. This document was found buried at Bridgman when 
the convention of the Communist party was raided, and the last paragraph 
reads as follows: 

“The Workers’ party declares itself in sympathy with the principles 
of the Communist International and enters the struggle against American 
capitalism, the most powerful of the national groups of capitalists, under 


[90] 


““LEGAL’’?’ ORGANIZATIONS 





the leadership of the Communist International. It rallies to the call, 
‘Workers of the World Unite.’ ” 

The whole work of the Workers’ party is aimed to educating the work- 
ing class and mass in Red Trade Union International ideas through active 
participation in the political life of the country. The subtlety of this 
method of preparation for future political action is cleverly conceived, 
and but for the fact that the connection between the Workers’ party and 
the Moscow authorities is now known, the results of the methods employed 
would have been the source of much trouble in the future. This may yet 
result. 

Next in importance, probably, in the legal organizations of the Com- 
munist party is William Z. Foster’s Trade Union Educational League. This 
is aimed chiefly at the industrial life of the nation and is constantly at open 
warfare as a minority organization with the American Federation of Labor. 
Its militant and uncompromising attitude toward capital and its power within 
the American Federation of Labor show that it has large influence in 
that organization and is constantly making gains within the Federation 
membership. It was organized by Foster in 1920 and embraced at the out- 
set the more radically inclined labor unions. Shortly after this organiza- 
tion was formed the Communist International promulgated the policy of 
“boring from within” the trade unions with a view to wrecking the trade 
union movement in this country. Foster was approached by the Commu- 
nists and as a consequence he attended the Congress of the Communist Inter- 
national and the first congress of the Red Trade Union International held 
at Moscow in July, 1921. 

Upon’ Foster’s return from Moscow the Trade Union Educational 
League immediately became a propaganda agency for the Communist In- 
ternational and affiliated with the Red Trade Union International. Foster 
has repeatedly denied this, and has declared that no connection existed be- 
tween his organization and the Communists. But, thanks to the Bridgman 
raid, absolute proof of his connection is now available. The Labor Herald 
is the official organ of the Trade Union Educational League. The principles 
and program of Foster’s League were distributed widely throughout the 
country early in 1922 and the following sentences from it are significant: 

“The Trade Union Educational League proposes to develop trade 
unions from their present antiquated and stagnant conditions into modern, 
powerful labor organizations capable of waging successful warfare against 
capital. To this end it is working to revamp and remodel from top to bot- 
tom their theories, tactics, structure and leadership. Instead of ‘advocating 
the prevailing shameful and demoralizing nonsense about harmonizing the 
interests of capital and labor, it is firing the workers’ imaginations and 
releasing their wonderful idealism and energy by propagating the inspiring 
goal of the abolition of capitalism and the establishment of a workers’ 
republic. 

“The Trade Union Educational League groups the militants in two 
ways; by localities and by industries. In all cities and towns general groups 
of militants of all trades are formed to carry on the work of education and 


[91] 





REDS IN AMERICA 





reorganization in their respective localities. These local general groups, to 
facilitate their work, divide themselves into industrial sections. . . . All the 
local general groups are kept in touch and cooperation with each other 
throtigh a national corresponding secretary. Likewise all the local industrial 
educational groups are linked together nationally, industry by industry, 
through their respective corresponding secretaries. Every phase and stage 
of the trade union movement will have its branch of the life-giving educa- 
tional organization.” 

The entire work of the Trade Union Educational League is based upon 
the following decisions of the Red Trade Union International: 

“1.—Workers’ Control is the necessary school for the work of prepar- 
ing the masses for the proletarian revolution. 

““2.—Workers’ Control must be the war-cry for the workers of every 
capitalist country and must be utilized as a weapon to disclose financial 
and commercial secrets. 

“3.—Workers’ Control must be largely used for the reconstruction 
of the outlaw trade unions and the industrial factions, the former being 
harmful for the workers’ revolutionary movement. 

“4.—Workers’ Control is distinct from capitalist schemes, and to the 
dictatorship of the capitalist class it opposes the dictatorship of the working 
class. In the various activities within the shops the so-called revolutionary 
nuclei perform the various functions promulgated by the Trade Union 
International.” 

Who is William Zebulon Foster, familiarly known as “Bill” Foster? 
The authorities have known that he was a “radical” for a long time, and he 
has been accused of being “Red,” but there has not been much proof offered 
the public on the matter. Foster himself has denied repeatedly that he 
was anything but an honest working man, devoted to bettering the condi- 
tions of his fellow-workers. He has denied that he was a Communist, but 
at times has admitted that he was affiliated with the Communists. When 
he went to Moscow he attempted to make the trip in secret, but it became 
known, and after that he was a bit more frank about his sympathies with 
the Red movement. 

Now it is possible to establish definitely that Foster is a Communist, 
a paid employee of the Communist party of America, and that the Trade 
Union Educational League, of which he was the founder and is the head, 
is a branch of the Communist party designed to “bore from within” the 
labor union branches of the American Federation of Labor and destroy 
that organization. 

That Foster is not only a paid agent of the Moscow government but 
is also a paymaster is shown by the fact that when he returned from his 
secret trip to Russia, he brought with him, presumably to carry on Com- 
munist propaganda in this country the sum of $40,000. On another 
occasion, in April, 1923, the Trade Union Educational League, of which 
Foster is the organizer and head, received the sum of $90,000 from Moscow. 
In August, 1922, Lozovsky attended the secret illegal convention of the 
Communist party of America at Bridgman, as a delegate from Moscow, 


[92] 


‘*‘LEGAL’’ ORGANIZATIONS 








and turned over to Foster for the use of the Trade Union Educational 
League the sum of $35,000, making a total of $165,000. It is not to be 
inferred from this that this is all the money that the Moscow government 
or the Third International has sent to this country for the purpose of 
forcibly overthrowing this government, as undoubtedly many sums have 
been sent of which none but the immediate parties concerned have knowledge. 

Foster has repeatedly denied that this League had any connection 
with the Communist party, but we have seen how he has discussed it 
openly in the inner councils of the party at their convention at Bridgman, 
Mich. Among the documents left buried on the Bridgman farm August 22, 
1922, when the convention was broken up by the raid of the authorities, 
were the questionnaires, answered by the delegates in their own handwriting 
and turned over to the grounds committee for safe keeping. 

Foster gave his age as 41, stated that he was born in the United States 
and was married—each in answer to questions submitted in mimeographed 
form. He said that he used English “in the main,” but that he could speak 
German and French imperfectly. “When not in party employ,” he said, 
his occupation was railroading. He said he once belonged to the Socialist 
party, and “has been active in the revolutionary movement” twenty-one 
years. His present position, he said, was the only office he had held, how- 
ever, in the revolutionary movement. He had been “active in the Communist 
movement” one year and was at that time a paid employee of the Communist 
party of America, his office being given as “industrial director”. 

In response to the question, “How many times arrested?” he answered, 
‘many times in trade union work’, but gave two months as his longest 
term of imprisonment. He said he had never been deported and was not 
under indictment. This questionnaire having been filled out before the 
raid, his statement that he was not under indictment was true at that time. 
He stated that he was inclined to industrial work in the party, and that he 
had been a member of a labor union twenty-one years. It will be noted that 
his labor union experience coincides exactly with his time of activity in 
the revolutionary movement in his own opinion. He said he was still a 
member of the Railway Carmen’s Union, and was formerly a member of 
the ‘‘Seamen, Street Carmen, I. W. W. etc.,” and had held the offices of 
business agent, secretary and president in unions. He admitted that he 
had participated in scores of strikes in which he had “held a position of 
leadership.” And he printed in capital letters, as if to emphasize his 
reply, that he had never belonged to the Army or Militia. 

So much for Foster’s own story of his life, as told by himself. In 
addition it may be said that he was born in Taunton, Mass., Oct. 25, 1881. 
From 1906 to 1911 he was a reporter on the Socialist Call, and when 
detailed to cover the activities of the I. W. W. he became so interested 
in the organization that he joined it. In 1911 he represented the I. W. W. 
at the Syndicalist Congress in Toulouse, France, and announced that he 


1 See testimony of A. W. Kliefoth, Assistant Chief of the Eastern European Division 
of the State Department before the Senate Committee investigating Communist 
propaganda in the United States (Jan. 1924). 


[93] 


REDS IN AMERICA 








was a syndical-anarchist. He also attended the anarchist conference in 
Barcelona, Spain, on this trip and visited Germany before returning to 
America. Prior to this, his first trip to Europe, he took an active part in 
the free speech fight in Spokane, Washington, and was arrested and im- 
prisoned for a short term for his participation. 

At the Barcelona anarchist conference the policy of “boring from 
within” was stressed, and Foster immediately adopted it as his own, to be 
used in his future battles in America. When the Russian Revolution came 
and Lenin and Trotsky told of their plans for a great Dictatorship of the 
Proletariat to embrace the whole world, Foster evolved his scheme for 
“one big union.” These two expressions have been great favorites of his, 
——his pet slogans for years. The “boring from within” policy he has ap- 
plied to the American Federation of Labor, planting men within the organi- 
zation to alienate as many members as possible from the strictly labor 
features of the Federation and convert them to the idea of “one big union.” 

As a member of the I. W. W. and the American Federation of Labor, 
Foster was active in the strike of the Standard Steel Car Company, in 
Butler, Pa. He was general secretary of the Steel Strike Organizing Com- 
mittee, principal organizer of the steel workers in Pittsburgh, and in 1912 
was a member of the Home Colony of Anarchists in the State of Washing- 
ton. He organized the Stock Yards Labor Council in July, 1917, and 
endeavored to unite that body with the I. W. W. The following year he 
left Chicago for Pittsburgh to become secretary-treasurer of a_ special 
organizing committee of the American Federation of Labor in the Pitts- 
burgh district. He represented the Electrical Workers at the conference 
to organize the Iron and Steel Workers, in Washington, in September, 1919, 
and in January, 1920, he promoted the railroad strike. 

Foster is a believer in direct action, in force instead of the ballot to 
bring about changes in government, and in ownership of industries by 
Labor. He is secretary of the Syndicalist League of North America, a 
member of the National Committee of the American Civil Liberties Union, 
one of the trustees of the Garland Foundation, and is a frequent contributor 
of extremist articles to the many radical papers in this country. He is the 
author of several books intended to incite the workers to violence against 
society. 

Before 1910 Foster was working to form the greatest revolutionary 
movement the world has ever seen, and so the plans of Lenin and Trotsky 
fitted in exactly with his plans. The Russians had a better opportunity 
to put their revolutionary plans into effect, with the aid of Germany, but 
they found an able aid on this side of the water in Foster. By 1919 he 
was working to overthrow Gompers in the American Federation of Labor 
and completely to destroy that organization. In Chicago, when members of 
the I. W. W. were on trial he urged them not to attempt to fight the 
Government openly, but to join the American Federation of Labor and 
“bore from within.” 

After becoming a leader of the I. W. W. and touring Europe as the 
representative of that organization, he became so pronounced in his stand 


[94] 


‘*LEGAL’’ ORGANIZATIONS 


for the overthrow of the Government by force and so insistent about “boring 
from within” as a fixed policy of any organization that could be used to 
further his ambitious ends that the I. W. W. disagreed with him and he 
left that party. From the beginning his plans have been consistent, with 
the one aim of doing away with all organized government and giving 
Labor control of the world. His ideas were so radical that the I. W. W. 
paled by contrast, and even Solidarity refused to publish his articles. 
Little by little he has organized the radicals and Reds in all branches of 
industry, gathering them into the American Federation of Labor, until, 
through their influence and support, he has put himself into a position 
of importance rivaling that of Gompers. 

In August, 1920, Foster met with representatives of twenty-four inter- 
nationals at Youngstown, Ohio, to vote for a proposed general strike of 
steel industry workers. The strike was carried by 98 per cent, chiefly 
through the efforts of Foster. He has always been interested in negro 
activities and in 1919 he promised Lee Fort Whitman, the negro radical, 
that he would aid him in bringing the negroes into the steel workers’ union. 
It is alleged that he was connected with a free speech campaign having to 
do with the Inter-Church World Movement in April, 1920. In November 
of that year he left the staff of The New Majority, with which he had been 
identified for some time, and organized the Trade Union Educational 
League for the avowed purpose of hastening the evolution of labor from 
craft to industrial. 

In December, 1920, at a meeting of the Executive Board of the Meat 
Cutters’ Union, held in New York City, he explained to the meat cutters 
how they could strike to force the surrender of all the capitalists and 
defeat the wage reduction and open-shop movement. He attended the 
first Congress of the Red Trade Union International, at Moscow, in June, 
1921, as a representative of the Amalgamated Textile Workers of America. 
Foster is now advocating on all occasions, as a preliminary to centraliza- 
tion of all power in the workers’ hands, the amalgamation of all unions 
into the same craft. In April, 1922, he stated in a speech in Chicago that 
if the workers receive all they were entitled to it would mean the elimina- 
tion of the employer class, and referred to the coming struggle between 
capital and labor as the most brutal war the world has ever known. 

In advocacy of violence in the fight against capitalism Foster has 
written volumes. He was very much impressed with the French workers’ 
struggles and the destruction of property accomplished by them in their 
strikes. It was during one of his visits to Europe that he had an oppor- 
tunity of studying sabotage at first hand, and on his return to America 
he wrote: 

“Next to the partial strike, the most effective weapon used by the 
Syndicalists in their daily warfare on capitalism is sabotage. ee 

“Perhaps the most widely practised form of sabotage is the restriction 
by the workers of their output. pa 

“The most widely known form of sabotage is that known as ‘putting 
the machinery on strike.’ If he is a railroader, he cuts wires, puts cement 


[95] 








REDS IN AMERICA 





in switches, signals, etc., runs locomotives into turntable pits and tries in 
every possible way to temporarily disorganize the delicately adjusted rail- 
road system. If he is a machinist or factory worker, and hasn’t ready 
access to the machinery, he will hire out as a scab and surreptitiously put 
emery dust in the bearings of the machinery or otherwise disable it. 
Oftentimes he takes time by the forelock, and when going on strike ‘puts 
the machinery on strike’ with him, hiding, stealing or destroying some 
small indispensable machine part which is difficult to replace. 

“Another kind of sabotage widely practiced by Syndicalists is the 
tactics of either ruining or turning out inferior products. Thus, by causing 
their employers financial losses, they force them to grant their demands. 

“Sabotage is peculiarly a weapon of the rebel minority. Its successful 
application, unlike the strike, does not require the cooperation of all 
the workers interested. A few rebels can, undetected, sabotage and demoralize 
an industry and force the weak or timid majority to share its benefits. 
The Syndicalists are not concerned that the methods of sabotage may be 
‘underhanded’ or ‘unmanly.’ They are very successful and that is all they 
ask of them.” (Syndicalism, pages 15, 16, 17 and 18.) 

In advocating direct action as against political action, Foster wrote: 

“The superiority of direct action to political action in winning con- 
cessions from capitalism is clearly seen in a comparison of the achieve- 
ments to date of the direct action and political action movements. 

“The chief cause for the greater success of the labor unions than the 
political party is found in the superior efficacy of direct action to political 
action. The former is a demonstration of real power, the latter merely 
an expression of public sentiment. 

“The campaign for ‘law and order’ tactics that is continually carried 
on in the unions by various kinds of legalitarians and weaklings exerts 
a bad influence upon them. It must cease” (Syndicalism, pages 20, 22, 23, 
24, 25, 26 and 49.) 

Regarding society in general and his utter disregard for it, Foster 
writes in Syndicalism, pages 27 and 28: 

“The Syndicalist takes no cognizance of society. He is interested only 
in the welfare of the working class and consistently defends it. He leaves 
the rag-bag mass of parasites that make up the non-working class part of 
society to look after their own interests. It is immaterial to him what 
becomes of them so long as the working class advances. He is not afraid 
of turning the wheels of progress backward, in thus constantly confining 
himself to the interests of the working class, as he knows that by freeing 
the working class entirely he will give social development the greatest 
stimulus it has ever known.” 

Later on, condemning patriotism, Foster writes: 

“The Syndicalist is a radical anti-patriot. He is a true internationalist, 
knowing no country. He opposes patriotism because it creates feelings of 
nationalism among the workers of the various countries and prevents co- 
operation between them, and also because of the militarism it inevitably 
breeds.” (Syndicalism, page 29.) 


[96] 


cc tel t-te ht ano ae rr ee thsi ct nicht 


‘*LEGAL’’? ORGANIZATIONS 





All the doctrines expressed in the book, Syndicalism, Foster used in 
a book published later and called, Trade Unionism. This latter book he 
distributed by the thousands of copies when he was lining up the forces 
for the great steel strike in 1919. In one place Foster, after having 
pictured the world with the workers in control, has written: 


“Under the new order as pictured above, Government, such as we know 
it, would gradually disappear. In an era of Science and Justice, this 
makeshift institution, having lost its usefulness, would shrivel and die. 


“Today a large branch of Government relates to war. The abolition 
of the profit system would render this useless. It would make impossible 
the fatal rivalry between the nations over markets, and thus destroy the 
very foundations of war. A friendly, spontaneous, international coopera- 
tion like that between the various states in the Union would supersede the 
present elaborate war departments. 


“Criminal courts, police, jails and the like would go also. Crime is 
due almost wholly to poverty. In a reign of plenty for all it would 
practically disappear. The few criminals remaining would be subjects for 
hospitals rather than jails. Likewise the civil courts, with their hordes of 
officials, would vanish. People would no longer have to wrangle over 
property rights. 

“The industries now in the hands of national, state and municipal 
governments would be given over completely into the care of the workers 
engaged in them. Unlike in our days of graft these workers would then 
have every reason to give the public the best possible service. The teachers 
would have full control over education, the doctors over sanitation, the 
postal workers over the transmission of mail, etc. This would certainly 
make for efficiency, for no other body would be so competent to control 
an industry as the workers directly employed in it. Surely no mere legisla- 
tive assemblies could hope to be in possession of sufficient knowledge to 
even intelligently advise such groups of scientifically organized producers, 
much less control them. 


“With war, crime, class antagonisms and property squabbles obliter- 
ated, and the management of industry taken from its care, little or no 
excuse would exist for government. What few extraordinary occasions 
arose requiring legislative action to arrive at some sort of solution could 
be handled by the Trade Unions, which would still contrive to have many 
uses.” (Trade Unionism, pages 24 and 25.) 

As the Workers’ party functions in politics and the Trade Union 
Educational League in industry, so the “Friends of Soviet Russia” is the 
“legal” financial branch of the Communist party of America. A member 
of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist party is known 
to have said that but for the funds collected by the Friends of Soviet Russia 
for the ostensible purpose of relief, the party would hardly be able to 
function in this country as a great portion of the relief money never leaves 
the United States but is used for propaganda. This organization was formed 
in 1921 by the Central Executive Committee of the Communist party for 


[97] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


the purpose of securing funds for the relief of Soviet Russia and also “to 
expose and refute the lies which are constantly being circulated about her 
in the capitalist press and to present the real facts about Soviet Russia to 
the American people, and create a demand for the lifting of the blockade 
against her and the resumption of trade.” 

Article one of the constitution of the society provides that the funds 
collected shall be sent “to Russian Soviet authorities.” The organization 
of this body was brought about by Caleb Harrison, one of the official 
delegates to the illegal Bridgman convention, and Dr. Jacob W. Hartman. 
The names of the first executive committee and advisory committee will 
prove its connection with the Communist party. The first-named committee 
comprised Dr. Hartman, Caleb Harrison, Edgar Owens, Allen S. Broms, 
Dr. J. Wilenkin, Dr. William Mendelsohn and Dr. Leo S. ‘Reichel. The ad- 
visory committee included William Z. Foster, William F. Dunne, Rose Pastor 
Stokes, Caleb Harrison, Robert Minor and Ella Reeve Bloor, all of them 
delegates at Bridgman; Dennis Batt, Elmer T. Allison, Jack Carney, Ludwig 
Lore, Edgar Owens, Mary W. Vorse, Hulet M. Wells, Max Eastman, Allen 
_ S. Broms, Joseph P. Cannon, Dr. Wilenkin, Dr. Mendelsohn and Dr. Reichel. 

The activities of this organization have spread rapidly throughout the 
United States and Canada. Branches have been established, propaganda 
spread by means of pamphlets, mass meetings and moving pictures. Afhilia- 
tions with labor organizations, societies and associations have increased and 
new relief bodies have been organized. A subsidiary branch known as the 
“American-Federated Russian Famine Relief Committee’ has been organ- 
ized to purchase supplies with the money secured by the Friends of Soviet 
Russia. Speakers from radical unions, I.W.W. and Communist organizations 
are touring the country in the interests of this society. Among the organi- 
zations affiliated with the Friends of Soviet Russia are the following, all legal 
bodies: 

The Workers’ party, Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia, Finnish 
Workingmen’s Association, Socialists Consumers’ League, Russian-Ukrainian 
Workers’ Educational Society, Lithuanian Relief Committee, Amercan-Lithu- 
anian Workers’ Literary Society, American-Hungarian Workers’ Federation, 
New England Workers’ Association, Czecho-Slovak Workmen’s Council of 
America, National Croatian Society, World War Veterans, Toronto Trades 
and Labor Council, Montreal Trades and Labor Council, Amalgamated Cloth- 
ing Workers of America, Chicago Federation of Labor, Detroit Federation 
of Labor, Seattle Central Labor Council and Tacoma Central Labor Council. 

The contribution list, a printed form used by the Friends of Soviet 
Russia at its inception bore the interesting and illuminating legend, “En- 
dorsed by the official representative of L. C. A. K. Martens,” the official 
representative of the Moscow Communist Government who was obliged to 
leave the United States, through fear of deportation, papers already having 
been issued. 

The next legal branch in importance in the work of furthering the 
interests of the Communist party of America in the United States is perhaps 
the Young Workers’ League, which is one of the pets of Robert Minor, the 


[98] 











Vol. 1. No.3. 


JANUARY, 1924 


Pri ice 5 cents 











Why We F ont Reainet the Public Schools 


4p: HE capitalists have 

created two kinds of 
schools. One for their 
own children, private 
schools, where they are 
taught to rule over the 
workers, and the other, 
public schools, where 
they try to teach the 
children to be willing 
workers and silent slaves 
for those who are taught 
to be the rulers. 

In the public schools, 
you, the children of the 
workers, are taught that 
this is the best govern- 
ment in the world. But 
you are never told that 
this government allows 
little children of 5 years 
of age to work under 
terrible conditions’ in 
mines, factories and 
fields in order to get a 
bite to eat. You are told that the organizations of 
the workers, like the unions and the communist 
parties, are wicked organizations that are unjust 
and unreasonable and bad all around. The child 
of the worker is taught to hate the working class 
and to support the capitalists. . They tell you that 

’ they are giving you an education, but it is not true. 


They only teach you enough writing, reading 





The World Belongs To Us! 


and ’rithmetic to make 
you able to carry on work 
for the boss when you are 
old enough to be dragged 
into a factory or a mine. 

In your religious train- 
ing you are told that even 
if things are bad on this 
earth, everything will be 
wonderful when you die 
and go to Heaven, for 
there you will be in Para- 
dise. 

But we do not want to 
wait until we are all dead 
‘to go to a Paradise, That 
is alla lie. When you die, 
you are dead and that is 
all there is to it. We $ 
want our Paradise right 
here and now. We work 
hard and make all the 
beautiful things of’ life 
and we want to enjoy 
them now. And if we put 
up a good, strong fightfor it, we can have our 
heaven on earth, where we shall live like human 
beings and not like beasts in a hole. 

That is what the Junior Section is organized 
for We want to get all the children of the work- 
ers united into a strong organization. We want 
to fight, all of us together! The older men and 
women workers in the Workers Party; the young 


REE: 








A communist paper for 
Section, Young Workers’ 


little folks. 
Junior 





The Young Comrade, Official organ of the 


League of 4 merica. 









~~ 

_- 

< 

aa 
ni : 
id 


bd 
= lattes - A 
hs 4 : 2 ey Gr 7 
PY - % n 
‘a e i. i‘ 
" r 
ay ; 
‘ons is -* r 
= a 5 7 4 A . . 
‘ j 
a | = 
. : - 
i 
* 
. Ar 
ae 4 
* + Te 
; A 
A 7 * 
bod i , i ' 
i 
=! 
. « 
% oor . - 
. i 
4 
ae ; 
‘e rr | 
‘ a 
1, i i ’ 
; ra . 
‘ j 
t 
& ‘ - ~ 1 j 
at 
, = 
. = 
7 


' 
e hacer 
i i) 
“a —_ a 
r dl f 
ry iy 
4 s + ? ? 
7 . F 
aa rat . 7 ‘ ’ 
+ - *\ ' 
—T : 7 i a 
y 5 » f Pp 4 
hs P er 
y } ae te : 
‘ ' ‘ 
da 
: dary pa 
rv Mss 
fA : 
ae er, ‘4 A i i : 


»@ : ms re , “Aw aie me th 
‘ “2? ce 4) be "© : . 7 Ms . 4 : 1s 7 ‘ : _ 
ae Ce neat bey ¥ 







Voneye ia ii 
aa p i a 
. i ere ; i a 
a! 


' 
i. 


% 
ae. | 






on i 
= 

ad 
: 2 by 
bi Wee 
i 

oe 
et pw), ® v 








‘“‘LEGAL’’ ORGANIZATIONS 


active Communist who was a delegate to the Bridgman convention. Minor’s 
treachery during the war which would have resulted in his execution but 
for the influence exercised in his behalf is well known. The aim of this 
organization is to place the ideals of Communism before the youth of this 
country in a most subtle manner so that when they attain maturity they 
will be thorough Communists ready for the work of moving toward the 
overthrow by violence of the Government under which they now live. This 
is an outgrowth of the Young People’s Communist League and the Young 
People’s Socialist League. It was recently reorganized for “legal” propa- 
ganda purposes by the Executive Committee of the Workers’ party. The 
installation of the various circles is in charge of the national secretary, 
Oliver Carlson, alias E. Connolly, alias Edwards. The purpose of the 
League is to educate the young workers to understand their position in 
capitalist society, to show them the stupidity of trying to climb higher, 
and to map out a course of action for their emancipation. 

. Among the organizers are a number of well-known Reds, members of 
the Communist party of America. Walter Bronstrup, Mrs. Margaret Prevey, 
Mrs. Sadie Amter, Max Kaminsky and D. E. Early are active in the organ- 
ization. Something of the work of this organization was told in a previous 
chapter of this chronicle. 

Associated with the Young Workers’ League is a new organization, 
functioning as a legal branch, under the direct influence of the Communist 
party of America, and known as the Famine Scout Clubs. Not only is it 
easy to raise money for the Communists through the appeal of the children 
thus drawn into the movement, but it is also excellent training in Com- 
munism for them and a medium through which the radical propaganda can 
be circulated. 

The Famine Scout Club movement was the brilliant thought of Rose 
Pastor Stokes, one of the delegates to the underground convention of the 
Communist party of America which was raided at Bridgman, Mich., and 
an active Communist since the American beginning. The name selected 
would appeal to those interested in the excellent Boy Scout and Girl Scout 
organizations and at the same time it would offer an excellent beginning for 
planting the seeds of Communism in the minds of the young while raising 
money for Communist purposes. Mrs. Stokes traveled all over the country 
organizing these Famine Scout Clubs. The membership is not yet large, 
but enough young people have become interested to form another group 
of nuclei for radical propaganda. But membership is not one of the prime 
desires of Communists; the chief feature is to have as many nuclei as 
possible. For this reason clubs are organized with few members through 
which appeals are made to the public to aid the famine sufferers in Russia. 
But the money collected goes to the Russian Red Cross, which, although 
associated in organization with the International Red Cross, is solely an 
organ of the Communist Soviet Government of Russia. 

The American Committee for Russian Famine Relief was organized 
by Walter W. Liggett at the instigation of John G. Ohsol, a member of the 
Russian Red Cross, which is officially a part of the Soviet Government in 


[99] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


a a a a ee 


Moscow, former associate of the L. C. A. K. Martens, Bolshevist ‘“ambas- 
sador” to the United States. He desired to extend Russian relief work in 
order to reach elements in the United States who would not contribute to 
the avowedly sovietized Russian Red Cross Society. A contract was entered 
into between the Russian Red Cross Society with Dr. David Dubrowsky, 
Ohsol and Dr. Michael Michailovsky*, as parties of the first part, and the 
American Committee for Russian Famine Relief, by A. W. Ricker, Liggett 
and James H. McGill as parties of the second part. This contract was in 
essence an underwriting contract upon the part of the Russian Red Cross 
for the support of the American Committee for Russian Famine Relief. 

This underwriting contract was not generally known and certainly 
the character of the three Russians were unknown to the majority of per- 
sons lending their names to the support of the committee. The only 
public indication appearing in connection with the Russian Red Cross was 
that on the letter head of the American Committee, where was printed in 
small type this statement: “Distributing Through Russian Red Cross Under 
American Supervision.” 

The activities of the organization were first directed to holding public 
meetings for the purpose of raising funds for Russian relief work, but they 
quickly took on a political character severely criticising the United States 
and praising Russia under the Communists. Isaac McBride, formerly a 
close associate of Martens and an active friend of Dubrowsky, early in 1922 
addressed a meeting in Chicago which opened with cheers for Lenin, 
Trotsky and the Soviet Government of Russia as well as for the Communist 
party of America. In Milwaukee a meeting developed into a political 
gathering for recognition of the Soviet Government by this country. In 
Minneapolis a resolution was passed calling upon the United States Govern- 
ment to establish at once trade relations with the present Russian Govern- 
ment. 

McBride stated: “We are going to milk the bourgeoisie of this country 
and they will help us to keep up the struggle against themselves.” Mr. 
Ricker, one of the parties to the underwriting agreement, said that his 
sympathies and those of the committee were entirely with the Soviet regime. 
McBride also said that the American Committee was formed after it was 
realized that certain organizations, openly recognized as having Soviet lean- 
ings, could not perform the same work. He said: 

“A number who were previously connected with the Advisory Council 
have been eliminated for fear that their presence might be looked upon 
with suspicion by the general public. One of those eliminated is Louis 
Post, former Assistant Secretary of Labor.” 

The activities of the Russian Red Cross in the United States first 
became apparent in 1921 when Dubrowsky, Michailovsky and Ohsol formed 
their committee for carrying on the work. Charles Recht, legal representa- 





1 Dr. Michael Michailovsky is identified in the New York State Medical Directory as 
having an office at No. 18 Hast 41st Street, New York City. He graduated from some 
Russian University in medicine in 1897, is a member of the American Medical Asso- 
ciation and the New York Academy of Medicine, and is listed as visiting der- 
matologist and urologist to the Sydenham Hospital. 


[100] 


“LEGAL’’? ORGANIZATIONS 


tive of the Soviet interests in this country, said that the Russian Red Cross 
was one of the two recognized Soviet relief organizations in New York in 
September, 1921. The personnel of the committee of three Russians was 
the significant feature of the scheme to those who knew something of the 
inside of the Communist party’s work here. 

Dubrowsky had been a member of the staff of Martens and had been 
carried on the latter’s payroll at $50 a week. After Marten’s departure 
Dubrowsky was recognized in radical circles as the unofficial representative 
of the Soviet Government. He was particularly active in connection with 
the Jewish Public Committee, and was the instigator of the plan to transmit 
to persons in Russia sums of money from their relatives in the United 
States. The significance of this scheme was noticed in view of the exchange 
value placed upon the ruble by Dubrowsky. When the exchange rate 
was not less than 4000 rubles to the American dollar, Dubrowsky was 
allowing but 250 rubles to the dollar, and charging $10 for transmission 
for money by cable and $1 by mail. Dubrowsky’s activities along this 
line were squelched by the Federal Government. 

Ohsol was first called to the attention of the public by Senator Watson 
of Indiana, in 1919, when he was employed by the Federal Trade Commis- 
sion. He was charged with being at that time a pronounced Socialist 
of the most virulent type. Obhsol was also a member of Marten’s staff, 
looking after a large part of the latter’s commercial work. He is a 
conspicuous Bolshevik propagandist. Michailovsky is a representative of 
the Commissariat of Public Health, an official unit of the Russian Socialist 
Federated Soviet Republic. 

Strenuous efforts have been made to impress upon the American pub- 
lic that the Russian Red Cross is not affiliated with, or supervised by, 
the Russian Soviet Republic. This, however, is proved by an examination 
of the ordinances of the Soviet republic and the by-laws of the Russian 
Red Cross itself. On August 7, 1918, “the Soviet of the Commissaries of 
the People” issued an ordinance signed by Lenin as manager of the affairs 
of the people, and by the secretary of the Soviets, dealing with the Russian 
Ked Cross Society which says specifically, “The Russian Red Cross Society 
is under the high protection of the central institutions of the republic.” 
This ordinance also orders the reorganization of the society to effect, among 
other things, the “immediate adoption of all possible measures for the 
purpose of attracting to the number of the members of the society the 
largest possible number of proletarian institutions, organizations and asso- 
ciations.” 

It was the Russian Red Cross workers in the famine districts of Russia, 
under the direction of the Soviet government, who gathered small children, 
suffering from hunger, into rooms decorated with the old symbols of the 
Russian religion, and commanded these starving children to pray to their 
ikons for food. When no food appeared in answer to their prayers they 
were told to pray to the Soviets for food. The children did so and the 
doors flew open as if in answer to their prayers and plentiful food appeared. 

The by-laws of the Russian Red Cross Society, which were adopted 


[101] 





REDS IN AMERICA 





at a general conference held in Moscow on Nov. 20, 1921, contain the 
following statements: 

“Paragraph 3—The society shall co-operate with the military, naval 
and civil medico-sanitary institutions of the Russian Socialist Federated 
Soviet Republic, conforming their activities to the instructions of the latter.” 

In paragraph five of these by-laws appears the statement as to who 
may become members of the Russian Red Cross Society. It reads as follows: 

“Proletarian organizations may become members of the society, for 
instance, Workers’ Unions, factory and shop committees, medical aid so- 
cieties and citizens enjoying active and passive suffrage, in accordance with 
the constitution of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic.” 

It will thus be seen that only citizens of the Russian Socialist Federated 
Soviet Republic may become members of the Russian Red Cross. The 
officials of the Russian Red Cross are well known Communists, including 
Litvinov, head of the foreign propaganda department of the Russian Soviet 
government. When Secretary Hoover officially warned the American pub- 
lic against contributing to these various Russian relief bodies the Russian 
ted Cross and the Friends of Soviet Russia became very busy cleaning their 
books and records. The Russian Red Cross had issued a blank with the 
initials upon it ““R. S. F. S. R.” standing for Russian Socialist Federated 
Soviet Republic. These blanks were quickly destroyed in order that the 
connection of the organization with the Soviet government might not be 
disclosed. The same policy was followed by the Friends of Soviet Russia. 
In view of this it is interesting to note, in conclusion, the recent pro- 
nouncement of the executive committee of the Third International: 

“We talk in two languages, that which we talk to the bourgeoisie we 
fool them with, that which we talk to the world proletariat is the truth. 
Our problem is the world revolution. We are going towards it. And every- 
thing is directed to this end.” 


{ 102] 


CHAPTER SIX 


RELIEF DRIVES; THE AGRARIAN PROGRAM 


Millions of American dollars have been poured into Russia, ostensibly 
for the relief of famine sufferers. It is now known that little of this money, 
except such as was sent through the channels of the American Relief Ad- 
ministration, the official organization directed by Herbert Hoover, Secretary 
of Commerce in the Cabinet of President Harding, was used primarily to 
aid the famine sufferers. It went first to the Communist Soviet Government 
in Moscow where its disposition was determined. There was the Red Army to 
feed, clothe and equip; and the multitude of officials in Moscow to be 
cared for. It is known that occasionally some of the American-contributed 
funds went to famine relief, but it is also known that much of it never 
reached any famine sufferer. 


One of the most pretentious “drives”, which was intended to secure 
thirty million dollars for the Russian Communists, was that launched in 
1922 by Captain Paxton Hibben, acting for the Russian Red Cross, an 
integral part of the Soviet Government in Moscow. This “drive” was 
directly under the supervision of the Soviet regime. Captain Hibben is a 
Princeton graduate, received a Master’s degree at Harvard, and studied law 
for a year at the same University. He is an ex-diplomat, ex-soldier, is a 
member of various clubs, and has connections which enable him to enter 
the homes of many loyal American citizens. His plea was based upon the 
suffering of the children of Russia, and appealed to the well-known gener- 
osity of Americans toward people in dire distress. 


Capt. Hibben came to New York from Moscow where he had _ per- 
fected his plans for this great relief drive with the Soviet authorities. The 
American people, Capt. Hibben knew, could not close their ears to an 
appeal to save innocent children from starving. The American Relief Ad- 
ministration, which was, as has been said, the only organization through 
which relief could be sent directly to the famine areas without giving the 
Soviet authorities an opportunity to take as much as might be needed to 


1 In view of these facts concerning the activities of Capt. Hibben it will not be amiss 
to record the following. Capt. Hibben has for some time held a commission as Captain 
in the Army of the United States, Officers Reserve Corps, attached to the artillery 
of the Third Army Reserve Corps. Many representations as to his suitability for 
holding this commission have been made to the proper officials of the War Depart- 
ment, but apparently it was not possible to secure suitable action. In May, 1923, 
Capt. Hibben applied for promotion to a majority, and shortly after, the Secretary 
of War appointed a board of three reserve officers to determine his fitness for re- 
tention or promotion. Capt. Hibben appeared personally before this board Oct. 19, 
1923, to testify ‘‘in regard to certain documents and papers in the possession of the 
War Department.’’ The whole matter is still pending at this writing. 


[103] 


REDS IN AMERICA 





keep the Red Army well supplied and to satisfy the needs of numberless 
Soviet officials, was utterly ignored in Capt. Hibben’s scheme to raise funds 
and supplies to be distributed under the supervision of the red Moscow au- 
thorities. Capt. Hibben, besides being Chairman of the American Committee 
for Relief of Russian children, was secretary of the mission in America of 
the Russian Red Cross, which, as was shown in a previous chapter, is a 
part of the Soviet government in Moscow both by its own by-laws and by 
the laws of the Communist regime now in control of Russia. 

Captain Hibben was employed by the Russian Red Cross in March, 
1922, taking the place of V. V. Chikoff as secretary of that organization. 
In a circular widely distributed by the Friends of Soviet Russia, with 
which he later became officially connected, Hibben is quoted in praising 
the present government of Russia, saying that they “have fought the 
good fight”. A part of this statement of Hibben’s reads as follows: 

“What | am interested in, and what we are all interested in, I take it, 
is those people over there who have fought the good fight; who have 
existed for four years in the face of an enemy world .. . I don’t want to see 
them lose that fight for lack of food of which you and I have plenty... and if 
millions of workers all over this country want to take up the job of feeding 
the starving of Russia, when the supplies of the American Relief Admin- 
istration are exhausted, as workers, to help the workers of the only Govern- 
ment of workers, by workers, for workers in the world, it is nobody’s 
business to interfere.” 

This would indicate that Hibben suspicioned that the suppbes furnished 
through the Friends of Soviet Russia and through the Russian Red Cross 
were going first to the Soviet authorities so that they might not “lose that 
fight for the lack of food,” although what was left might find its way event- 
ually to the famine sufferers. And he intimated in this statement that the 
American Relief Administration, under the direction of Secretary Hoover, 
was about to cease its actual work of feeding the real sufferers in the famine 
districts of Russia. Naturally, if the Hoover organization ceased function- 
ing there would be a better chance for the Soviet organization with which 
Hibben was connected to raise funds in this country. 

On July 1, 1922, Hibben sailed for Berlin on the steamship Homeric 
to be present as a delegate from the Russian Red Cross in America to the 
International Convention of the International Workers’ Famine Relief Com- 
mittee which was to open July 9 and which was convened at the initiative 
of the Supreme Central Executive Committee for Famine Relief. I[t was 
called by the foreign representative of this committee, Nicholas Krestinsky, — 
former plenipotentiary representative of the Soviet Government in Germany. 
But Hibben arrived in Berlin too late for this convention. He did, how- 
ever, have a number of talks with Tchitcherin and made the statement that 
he had conveyed information between Tchitcherin and L. C. A. K. Martens, 
the Bolshevist “ambassador” to the United States whose activities in aid 
of the Communist party of America led to his departure. On July 19, 
Hibben left Berlin for Moscow, where he said he was to act as a repre- 
sentative of the Society of American Relief for the Children of Russia, of 


[104] 


a nr ene 








RELIEF DRIVES; THE AGRARIAN PROGRAM 








which he was a director, and where he achieved much _ publicity. 

Hibben’s work was fulsomely praised in the Moscow Izvestia, the Soviet 
oficial organ, of August 1], 1922, which printed an interview with him 
in which he said that the American Relief Administration would drop its 
work in Russia and then relief would all have to be done through the Rus- 
sian Red Cross. He also spoke of his relations with Dr. David H. Dubrow- 
sky whose activities here in behalf of the Communists have already been 
told. He mentioned the fact that there were in Moscow at that time four 
members of the national committee of the American Committee of Relief 
for Russian Children, Rev. John Haynes Holmes, Frank P. Walsh, Dr. M. 
Michailovsky, and John G. Ohsol. The records of Holmes, Michailovsky 
and Ohsol in activities connected with the Communist regime have been 
told in previous chapters. Frank P. Walsh returned from Moscow by way 
of Montreal and immediately launched a campaign of bitter criticism 
against the United States Government for failure to recognize the present 
Russian Government, and spread propaganda as to the wonderful progress 
made in that country under the Communist regime. He later became chief 
counsel for the Bridgman conspirators at an enormous fee. The [zvestia 
article says in part: 

“In our interview with Captain Hibben he declared that Americans 
are very much interested in the welfare of Russian children, and that chil- 
dren who became orphans in consequence of the war and famine can count 
on thousands of friends in the United States who will help them through 
the American Committee of Relief for Russian Children, which is now un- 
der the charge of Mary Lena Wilson. The activities of the American Re- 
lief Administration developed to such a degree that many people forget 
the existence of other organizations in America and other countries which 
also carry on famine relief work in the Volga region.” 

Then, quoting Hibben, it says: 

“The Russian Red Cross deserves all praise for its remarkable work 
done with the perfectly insignificant sum at its disposal, getting the public 
of foreign countries interested in the relief of Russian sufferers. The 
American Relief Administration will, sooner or later, stop activities in 
Russia and will leave the country. But the work of the Russian Red Cross, 
of course, will continue and try to cure the wounds of the Russian people 
caused by the famine and the blockade. . . . During the period Octo- 
ber, 1921, to June, 1922, the Russian Red Cross in America shipped food 
supplies, clothing and medicine worth $342,895 which were contributed 
in the United States and Canada. The collection of money and other kinds 
of distribution is still going on. I have just received a cablegram from Dr. 
Dubrowsky, who is head of the Russian Red Cross in America and is just 
back from a trip to Mexico; his cablegram says that Mexico shipped 10,000 
sacks of corn and 5,000 sacks of rice and a shipment of medicine to the 
Russian Red Cross to be distributed among the starving. This shipment 
is the second one from Mexico as a result of Dr. Dubrowsky’s efforts.” 

It will be interesting to note here by way of parenthesis that the Mex- 
ican officials had no illusions as to the disposition of these shipments. They 


[105] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


were admittedly for the Red Army of Russia because, as E. Plutarcho 
Calles, premier in the Mexican cabinet, said: “We are working toward the 
same end,” viz., the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, and that Russia had the 
better opportunity because she did not have the United States hanging over 
her head like the Damoclean sword. These are almost, if not quite, the 
exact words of Calles to Dubrowsky. The references to the “Damoclean 
sword” is Calles’s picture to the Russian emissary. 

Hibben’s praise of the Russian Red Cross in America, of which he was 
at the time secretary, in “getting the public of foreign countries interested,” 
has a double significance; for it is a part of the work of all agencies of the 
Soviet Government, as officially prescribed, to disseminate Communist 
propaganda on all possible occasions. Hibben went on, in the /zvestia 
interview, to describe a new plan for subtle propaganda by means of “Red 
Cross” shops to be established in the United States to show how industrious 
the Russian people are under the Communist rule and at the same time to 
raise money for the Soviet relief movement. He is quoted as saying: 
“In the United States the Russian Red Cross intends to maintain its 
own existence quite independently and not to spend for administration a 
single copek out of the amount collected for famine relief in Russia. Neces- 
sary means for the realization of this intention will be given by a long 
row of Red Cross shops in important cities of the United States in which 
home made articles will be sold for the benefit of the orphans, victims of 
war and famine in Russia. This enterprise will be not only a new source 
of funds for relief work but will give to Russian home industry a new 
market, for through these shops America will be given an opportunity to 
get acquainted with articles made under such circumstances. Right now | am 
dealing with the President of the Centroyuz (the Central Executive Committee 
of the Russian Soviet), Comrade Khinchuck, about methods to realize this 
plan in fact. WE ALSO ARE ANXIOUS TO ARRANGE A TRIP OF 
RUSSIAN DRAMATICAL ACTORS TO THE UNITED STATES, TO- 
GETHER WITH MUSICIANS AND ARTISTS, who will under the auspices 
of the Russian Red Cross help to collect means for the relief of Russia 
AND AT THE SAME TIME WILL PROVE TO THE AMERICAN PUBLIC 
THE HIGH STANDARD OF RUSSIAN ART REACHED DURING A 
TIME OF REVOLUTION.” 

It is interesting to note that there are constantly offered for sale in 
this country by the Friends of Soviet Russia, literature and supplies to 
raise money for Russian relief. On circulars the public is urged to “buy 
books, pamphlets, pictures, postals, leaflets, posters,” and the order blank 
on which this appeal is made lists busts of Lenin for $3 and of Trotsky 
for $2, which are said to be replicas of the work of Claire Sheridan. Books 
like “Communism and Christianity,” by Bishop William Montgomery 
Brown, are also offered for sale in this appeal, as well as writings of John 
Reed, Albert Rhys Williams and Isaac McBride. Communist magazines 
and Red buttons are on the same list. 

Hibben’s activities in behalf of Soviet Russia make it interesting 
to note that his experience has been vast and varied. His brilliance 


[106] 























Captain Paxton Hibben, Officers Reserve Corps,.United States Army, attached 
to the artillery division of the Third Army Corps, and candidate for advancement 
to a majority, places a wreath on the grave of the American communist, John Reed 
who died in 1920 and is buried under the walls of the Kremlin. This photograph was 
taken about a year following Reed’s death when Hibben visited Russia and gave his 
famous interview to JIzvestia indicating how money was to be raised for the “starving 
children of Russia’’ on his return to America. Hibben denies that this photograph 
was taken in an Officer’s uniform of the United States Army. (Wide World Photos) 


RELIEF DRIVES; THE AGRARIAN PROGRAM 


of mind has never been questioned. His scholarship, while at college, 
qualified him for Phi Beta Kappa, but he was not admitted. During 
the war in Europe his anti-British and pro-German sentiments made it 
seem advisable that he be not used for certain purposes in France. The 
authorities have documents showing that he was paid propagandist for the 
Greek Royalists before the United States entered the war. 

He has frequently referred slightingly to the United States Government 
and criticised it severely for its stand in regard to Communist Russia, this 
at a time when that same Russian Government was directly using every 
means at its command to effect the overthrow of the United States by armed 
rebellion. Hibben had a troublous career while he was in the diplomatic 
service of the United States, which covered practically seven years in Rus- 
sia, Mexico, Colombia, Holland, Luxemburg and Chile. 

Hibben has stated that he was always “passionately French” in his 
sympathies but that did not prevent him from challenging a French corres- 
pondent to a duel in Athens on one occasion early in the European War 
when a Frenchman made a scene in a hotel room where Hibben was enter- 
taining a German correspondent and his wife at luncheon. The duel was 
fought with no injuries on either side. He was a great admirer of John Reed, 
the brilliant Harvard anarchist, later a Communist, and whose spectacular 
career was cut short by his death in Moscow. A year after Reed’s death 
Hibben was in Moscow, and in October, 1921, he was photographed 
placing a wreath on Reed’s grave. Reed’s widow, Mrs. Louise Bryant, 
was later associated with Hibben in his pro-Russian work. 

Through his connection with the Russian Red Cross, Hibben’s plan 
received the endorsement of the Friends of Soviet Russia and the Workers’ 
party, both Communist “legal” branches. It is interesting here to note 
that the latter organization was in desperate straits because of the raid at 
Bridgman, Mich., in August, 1922, when William F. Dunne, the party’s 
candidate for the governorship of New York, was arrested with a number 
of other Worker’s party men for attendance at the illegal convention. 
Official orders issued by C. E. Ruthenberg, Executive Secretary of the 
Workers’ party of America, called for immediate and effective aid from all 
members of the party because “we are in the midst of a great campaign of 
self-defence.” He urged all foreign-born to become citizens, “not for patri- 
otic reasons but in order to draw them into the political life of the United 
States.” These official orders were sent out from the “national office” on 
September 14, and announced that a Labor Defense Council would be or- 
ganized at once and that it was necessary to raise “tens of thousands of 
dollars”. Frank P. Walsh was retained and conducted the defense of the 
Bridgman prisoners. Robert M. Buck, editor of New Majority, official 
organ of the Chicago Federation of Labor, was chairman of the Labor 
Defense Council just referred to, and Sam T. Hammersmark, one of 
William Z. Foster’s right-hand men who was active in the steel strike 
and the recent convention of the Trade Union Educational League, was secre- 
tary-treasurer of the newly formed organization. The appeal was addressed 
to “District Organizers, Federation Secretaries, Local Secretaries, District 


[107] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


eter EN Ne a A 





Executive Committees, Federation Executive Committees and Local Execu- 
tive Committees,” and read: 

“Comrades: For your guidance the following statement of our policy 
and immediate plan of action has been formulated by the Central Executive 
Committee. 
| “We are in the midst of a great campaign of self-defense by the working 
masses against the ruthless capitalist offensive and the Central Executive 
Committee instructs all party units to put the following into action. 

“1. Today our major campaign is to be directed against Governmental 
authorities who are attacking us rather than against the yellow socialists 
and trade union bureaucrats. The immediate struggles of the workers are 
becoming more tense and taking on wider scope. We must develop to the 
highest point the resistance of the workers to the brutal attacks of govern- 
mental authorities on the fundamental rights of the workers. The situa- 
tion necessitates our following a policy which will draw into the conflict 
the great mass of the workers regardless of political differences. 

“2. We must energetically propagate the idea among the workers that the 
onslaught on the Communists and militants is a part of the attack launched 
against the working-class. Our activities in the strikes are the basis for 
this attack. | 

“3. Our main slogans in this campaign should be ‘Workers, Fight For 
Unrestricted Right to Organize, Strike and Picket. Defend These Rights 
By means of All the Political and Industrial Power at Your Command.’ 
Our members must urge the workers to disobey the Strike Injunction and 
to carry on the strike in defiance of the injunction. 

“Our rallying cries are: 

“Down with Government by Injunctions!’ 

“Down with the usurped power of the courts!’ 

“Down with the use of armed force against the workers!’ 

“4. It is our task to organize the workers to demand and to attempt 
to take the rights of the much vaunted American democracy. The Com- 
munists and all militant workers are part of the working class, therefore, 
the Communists and all militants must also have the unrestricted right 
of free speech, press and assemblage. 

“5. We must fight energetically to secure for all the foreign-born 
workers equal civil and economic rights. We must wage an intensive cam- 
paign for removing restrictions on citizenship and against the anti-alien 
laws. We must demand that the foreign-born workers have unrestricted 
right to work. We must work diligently for the development of the soli- 
darity of the native and foreign-born workers. The party must make the 
following organization steps toward carrying out this program of agitation 
and action. 

“(A) Our Federations should wage a vigorous campaign to have the 
foreign-born workers become citizens. Not for patriotic reasons but to 
draw them into the political life of the United States. 

“(B) Our Federations should wage a vigorous campaign to have the 
foreign-born workers join the labor unions. 


[108] 





RELIEF DRIVES; THE AGRARIAN PROGRAM 


“6. We must persistently propagate the idea in the unions and among 
the workers generally of independent political action by the workers and 
the need of a working-class political party. 


“Fraternally yours, 


“C. E, RUTHENBERG, 


“Executive Secretary.” 


That the raid of the Michigan authorities on the illegal, underground 
convention of the Communist party of America at Bridgman upset the 
plans of the Workers’ party as well as those of the Communists, was evident 
from another appeal, also sent out by Ruthenberg on September 14, 1922. 
It was difficult to conduct a political campaign when the party’s candidates 
were under arrest for conspiracy to overthrow the Government by armed 
force; and in this case the head of the principal ticket, that of New York 
State, was caught at Bridgman. William F. Dunne, candidate for governor 
of New York on the Workers’ ticket, could hardly appeal for any votes out- 
side his traitorous party while in jail or out on bail facing such a charge. 
This second appeal was addressed “To All Branches, District Organizers 
and Federation Secretaries,” and read as follows: 


“Comrades: The National Convention of the party, which was to have 
been held in Chicago, August 28th, will be held in New York City beginning 
on December 25th. 


“The immediate reason for the postponement of the convention was, as 
you know, the arrest of the executive secretary, a number of district organ- 
izers and other party workers as part of the campaign of terrorism which 
the capitalists are waging against the workers in connection with the 
great strike battles which have shaken the country during recent months. 

“The first decision was to postpone the National Convention for two 
weeks, in the hope that those suffering under the persecution of the ruling 
class could be quickly released and take their places in the ranks of ‘the 
party. 

“The party, however, finds itself face to face with this situation: 


“During the next month or two we must mobilize all our forces for 
defense work. We must raise tens of thousands of dollars for bail so 
that all our comrades can be freed and carry on their party work during 
the period in which their cases are pending. Only six weeks remain before the 
November elections. We must nominate candidates and carry on campaigns 
wherever possible. 


“The present industrial struggles will be over by December, the lessons 
of this struggle will be clear and we will be able to base our new policies 
upon the developments which this struggle has brought to the American 
labor movement. ‘The period from now on to December will be a period 
of preparation. The convention must and will be a greater demonstration 
of strength to our party. Details about the convention such as agents, 
delegations, finances, etc., will be forwarded later. 


[109] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


“Let us take up immediate tasks of the party with enthusiasm and 
courage. Let us build more strongly than ever during the coming months, 
and make the December convention a demonstration of the power of our 
movement. 

“Fraternally yours, 

“C. E. Ruthenberg, 
“Executive Secretary.” 

Details of the plans for the Labor Defense Council were also announced 
on the same date by Ruthenberg. This announcement stated that the Central 
Executive Committee of the Workers’ party initiated this plan and would 
carry out the work, but city central committees and branches were instructed 
to organize local labor defence councils, to function under the national 
organization, and to invite other working class organizations to send dele- 
gates to the local councils. But in order that it might appear to be a spon- 
taneous movement of all workers, instead of a carefully engineered scheme 
by the Communistic Workers’ party, the organizers were cautioned to send 
these invitations “in the name of the provisional committee as a provisional 
committee of the Labor Defence Council and NOT [capitals are Ruthen- 
berg’s] in the name of the Workers’ party.” The instructions specified: 

“The local Defence Council should at once begin a compaign of agita- 
tion and money raising. It should hold public meetings, send speakers to 
the unions, have resolutions introduced in the unions and in every way 
possible stir up the workers to the need of a united stand against the 
capitalist attack.” 

A part of the plans of the drive of Captain Hibben for funds and 
supplies was directed at the small farmer and farm workers, who are al- 
ready being assiduously cultivated by the Communist party of America. 
Captain Hibben’s idea was that the farmers had excellent crops, but a poor 
market, in 1922, and that, therefore, they would be ready to contribute 
out of their surplus products to feed the Russians. This appeal was started 
by the Communist-controlled Friends of Soviet Russia and with the launch- 
ing of the new drive by the Hibben organization the small farmers and 
their hired help were flooded with carefully prepared propaganda designed 
to appeal to their hearts for suffering humanity and at the same time convey 
to them unsound ideas regarding “capitalist” society. 

The Communist party’s agrarian program which is now being put into 
effect throughout the United States and which is admittedly a program 
which will require time and patience to carry out to its fulfilment, is one 
of the most cleverly prepared and thought-out programs thus far produced. 
In its preparation is shown surprising appreciation of the psychology, 
conditions and sympathies of the small farmer and farmhand. The pro- 
gram contains many pages of carefully prepared statistics, maps and charts, 
showing “population-distribution,” “jobs of those engaged in agriculture,” 
“farm wages and farm income,” “farms and farm tenure,” “comparison of 
East and West,” “crops—production, distribution, consumption,” “the agri- 
cultural press,’ “farmers’ organizations in the United States,” “the negro 
farmer,” “farm propaganda,” etc.; maps showing yields, in million bushels, 


[110] 





RELIEF DRIVES; THE AGRARIAN PROGRAM 





of corn, wheat and oats; primary markets, export markets, cotton area; 
farm organizations and agrarian press circulation. 

Following out the program of the Communist party of America students 
have been “planted” in various agricultural schools in the country, whose 
duty is to become proficient as farm laborers primarily. They are also 
supposed to inculcate as much of the Communist doctrine in their fellow 
students as may be done without creating trouble; but that is not their 
first duty as students. After having been prepared at the agricultural 
schools these students are sent to various parts of the country as county 
agents to seek employment as farm hands, which is easily found, owing to 
the shortage of farm labor in these days. Then their real work for the 
party begins. They are organizers and propagandists, first, last and all 
the time. They form nuclei wherever they are—two or three companions 
being enough at any one place. This movement, according to the plans 
of the Communists, will have the ground prepared by the time the great 
general strike comes and the Communists themselves will be able to supply 
the necessary food for the fighters on the side of the proletariat. 

Notes among the pages of the statistics contain such sentences as these: 

“The concentration of industry in the Eastern half of the United States 
makes a comparison from an agrarian point of view important because 
it seems to me the city proletariat will approach revolt more rapidly where 
concentrated and would, therefore, become more dependent upon the im- 
mediate farms than upon those at great distances.” 

“True proletarian organizations among farm laborers are possible in 
a limited way only where large numbers of workers are employed together 
as they are during harvest in the wheat and fruit lands of the West. These 
harvest workers are entirely distinct in type from the great mass of farm 
laborers. The ‘harvest stiff’ migrates from farm to farm with numbers 
of his fellows specializing in only one farm operation. He comes from 
the city and drifts back to it for the winter. He is more nearly of the 
city. The farm laborer is an all-round farmer. His point of view is more 
like that of his employer; he is paid by the month, eats with the boss, and 
he is isolated from other workers. All these combined make wide-spread 
organizations among this strata of the agrarian population impracticable 
if not impossible under a system of capitalist agriculture.” 

The program opens with a division of the United States into sections 
in which the Communists are working. This portion of the program reads: 

“The American problem is not cumposite; it consists of several dis- 
tinct problems. This is true because of the differences in historical back- 
grounds and developments which have followed separate courses, deter- 
mined mainly by geographical conditions. 

“The United States should be divided into four geographical divisions 

and each section studied separately. First, its reaction to the 
common capitalist pressure. Second, the particular policy and programs 
which will reach the individual farmers peculiar to that section—teach 
him that in resisting capitalist exploitation his interests join those of the 
city proletariat. 


(111] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


LL I TCA A SS a cS 


“Studied from the point of view of the Proletarian Revolution the 
following chapters of statistical references will show that four geographical 
sections have a relative importance as agrarian units of the problem. 

“Least in importance is the West. It is the Siberia of America. This 
great area, thinly populated, thousands of miles from the great industrial 
centers of the country, is too remote to figure decisively in an Industrial 
Proletarian Revolution. 

“Next in importance comes the New England section. Agriculturally 
it is not self-supporting. It imports 75 per cent of its food supplies, but 
this section is important above the West as a unit in the agrarian problem 
because New England farms adjoin the great industrial section of the 
country. 

~ “The South ranks above the West and New England for two reasons; 
first, it is distinctly an agricultural community, whose markets are within 
easy reach of the great industrial centers; and second, because it involves 
race problems. Some of the state populations in this section are half 
negroes. These descendants of the slaves and the poorer whites are com- 
peting for the crusts under the lash of the Landlord System. 

“This competition has sharpened the race antagonism between those 
members of the same exploited class, whether skilled or unskilled laborers 
or farmers. 

“This condition must be considered in the program for Southern 
farmers. It holds a menace to the proletarian revolution which will be 
seized by the bourgeoisie. 

“Above all the rest comes the great producing empire stretching from 
the middle Atlantic and including the Middle West, producing more food 
per man than any other country in the world. Here industry is concentrated. 
Here the city proletariat and agrarian are but a few hours apart. This 
section must be won over to the side of the city proletarian. All others 
are secondary to the vital importance of this section as a factor in the 
success of the proletarian revolution.” 

It is explained that the statistical material used in preparing this 
report containing the “agrarian program” has been compiled from the 
latest available sources, Government, state and corporation figures being 
used. After many pages of interesting statistics the report takes up the 
question of farm propaganda of different radical organizations, as follows: 

“The Non-Partisan League is an organization of farmers in the West 
North Central States. They have gained control of the State government 
of North Dakota and several State offices in other States; also congressional 
representatives from North Dakota. 

“Their propaganda teaches the farmer to ‘Fight the Capitalist’ but 
is spoiled by holding the Non-Partisan League legislative program as the 
cure-all. The following is quoted from a summary of a history of the 
League which was issued recently by them: 

“Tt is a typically American institution dedicated to the principle that 
the people should rule and that the ballot offers the remedy for economic 


and political wrongs.’ 


[112] 








RELIEF DRIVES; THE AGRARIAN PROGRAM 





_ “As a matter of fact, the actions of the Non-Partisan League are more 
direct than their policies indicate. There is a Left and Right struggle 
within the League at present. Connections with the Left elements should 
be made and they should continue inside the organization. Some of their 
farm papers have a wide circulation; if controlled they could reach out 
into more important agricultural sections. 

“The I. W. W. has based its farm propaganda on the mistaken as- 
sumption that agrarian conditions in the wheat States are typical; that the 
migratory ‘harvest stiff’ is the typical farm laborer. 

“In the most developed regions the same relations prevail upon the 
farms as are found in other industries. ... The farm hand has become 
u migratory laborer, possessing all the characteristics of his industrial 
brother. 

“As the migratory workers specialize in only one farm operation, 
spend only a portion of their time on the farms and drift back to the cities 
in the winter, it seems obvious that they are not typically farm laborers. 

“The Socialist party farm propaganda was concerned principally in 
getting votes. Some of their leaflets were unscientific enough to use modern 
_methods and machinery as a warning: 

“Mr. Farmer: The great machine is invading your field of labor. The 
combine is coming your way. With it comes the big machine drawing 
thirty-two ploughs with its seeder and harrower, the steam harvester and 
thresher of the capitalists. With them are leagued the railroads and the 
mills. In a few more years the capitalists will have you hunting a job 
as a day laborer because you cannot compete with the corporation which 
combines capital, the land, the railroads, mills, elevators and farm ma- 
chinery that does the work of forty horses and eighty men at the same time.’ 

“Combined farming should not be used as a bugbear; it is a desired 
end. Neither should the level farms of the Middle West where thirty gang- 
ploughs can be used be looked upon as typical. A thirty-gang outfit could 
hardly turn around in the average farm field. On the other hand, the 
‘steam thresher of the capitalists’ which they mention is universally used 
wherever cereals are grown; operated generally by a neighborhood farmer 
as a side line. Farm propaganda should at least be edited by farmers.” 

Particularly interesting in this report is ‘“‘an outline of policy” which 
was adopted and is now being followed out by the agents and the Com- 
munist party under direction from the agrarian section of the party. It 
reads as follows: 

“1, Emphasize the necessity for work among the largest element of 
the agrarian mass—the small farmers. 

“2. Use the common interest in the struggle against capitalism which 
exists between the small farmer and the proletariat as a wedge to separate 
them as a class from the capitalist and petty capitalist elements. 

“3. Use the farm organizations of the small farmers as a field for 
propaganda, teaching them to strike rather than arbitrate. 

“4. Organize the agrarian proletariat wherever possible to further the 
work of preparation and separation of the agrarian elements. 


[113] 








REDS IN AMERICA 


ee Ga Bh aN hay ce Maw eS Oy Ny ONE ONO ENE Ne 0s 2 UU CN Sa SC ee 


“5, Recognize the literal necessity for the city proletariat to give up 
some of its members to agrarian work. 

“I believe that proletarians in any occupation will react uniformly 
to a proletarian revolution. That is, they will support the interests of their 
class. Therefore, the agrarian proletariat can be expected to support the 
revolution of the city proletariat. 

“An agrarian policy must recognize, however, that conditions today 
prevent the organization of the true farm proletariat. Nothing short of 
revolution will bring them together as a class. 

“The policy must be directed to a preparation of the ground by prop- 
aganda to clarify the interests of the several strata within the agrarian 
population. 

“When the city proletariat overthrow the bourgeoisie, the agrarian 
population should begin a gradual process of reorganization; first, the true 
farm proletariat must be organized into Soviets; this will be strengthened 
by later addition of the more oppressed semi-proletarians: gradually the 
small farmers will begin to drift over until only those are left whose in- 
terests are directly opposed to the proletariat. 

“This process will be completed rapidly and without friction only if 
the agrarian policy during the pre-revolutionary stages is directed mainly to 
work among that element which makes up more than sixty per cent of the 
total farm population—the small farmer. 

“The proletarian and semi-proletarian elements in the farm population 
are comparatively small. No practical agrarian policy can direct itself to 
these small unorganized elements as its dominant purpose. These elements 
will of necessity support the proletarian revolution. 

“On the contrary, a practical policy must be dominated by the pur- 
pose to guide the largest exploited elements of the agrarian—the small 
farmers. These are organized; and their organizations are formed to resist 
capitalist pressure. These farmers must be taught the direct issue between 
themselves as a class and the bourgeoisie. 

“While their interests are not entirely those of the proletarian class, 
in so far as they are the same they must be united with the proletarian. 

“From a revolutionary point of view it must be recognized that as a 
whole the farm population is generations behind. The overthrow of the 
bourgeoisie will bring the agrarians in one jump to the necessity of con- 
sidering the reorganization of the very basis of their existence, that is, the 
small farm unit—a farm operated by the farm family and one farm laborer. 
The combination of these farm units is a development which will follow the 
revolution; will come, as it should, gradually as a result of the separation 
of the agrarian population according to their class interests. Wherever 
big farms exist the confiscation of these lands by the farm proletariat for 
the state must be the first step. 

“The organization of agriculture should be much more rapid in America 
than in any other country, because of the wide-spread knowledge of the 
advantages of modern machinery applied to the efficient unit of acres. 

“Communism cannot be preached to this small farmer element before 


[114] 


RELIEF DRIVES; THE AGRARIAN PROGRAM 


the revolution; and only by demonstration after the revolution. But what- 
ever unity of interest exists with the proletarian must be taught; and the 
use of economic weapons such as food strikes be advocated in their organ- 
izations as the only effective means to gain anything from the bourgeoisie. 

“This policy will be effective only when well-grounded Communists 
can be spared from the ranks of the city proletariat actually to live and 
work among the farmers.” ‘ 

The program now in effect called for a budget of $35,000. It included 
as outlined in this report, the organization of a “legal Agrarian Bureau”; 
buying or establishing a farm weekly paper; training of county agents; 
an inventory of all radicals in the agrarian population; and regular con- 
ferences of agrarian leaders. In elaborating the subject of training of 
county agents, the report says: 

“Believing that it is easier to make farmers than to make Communists, 
well-srounded young Communists who are physically strong and under- 
stand the situation they volunteer to enter, should begin training at once. 
Training will consist of four months intensive practical work on special 
farms under the direction of the bureau. This will be followed by a winter’s 
course in a scientific agricultural college. After this the county agent will 
be placed in an important agricultural section. He then becomes the out- 
post in three lines of work: distribution of propaganda, source of informa- 
tion, agrarian party organizer.” 

It was decided to start ten young men at once on this course of training. 
They must be self-supporting until they enter their scientific training in 
college, and $300 each was allotted for this college work. It is interesting 
to know that the “intensive practical work” is now being done on one farm 
in Connecticut, one in the South and others in the Middle West. 


1115] 





CHAPTER SEVEN 


AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION 


At the suggestion of Felix Frankfurter of Harvard, the American Civil 
Liberties Union decided to ask William Allen White to serve on the national 
committee of that organization. Frankfurter, William Z. Foster, who was 
seated as fraternal delegate to the unlawful Communist convention at Bridg- 
man, Mich.; Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Crystal Eastman, Roger N. Baldwin, 
Morris Hillquit, Scott Nearing and many other radicals, some of them Com- 
munists, are members of the national committee of this organization; and 
White’s defiance of his friend, Governor Allen, in the 1922 coal strike 
troubles in Kansas was the recommendation for White’s availibility as a 
committeeman. 


The American Civil Liberties Union is definitely linked with Com- 
munism through the system of interlocking directorates, so successfully 
used by the Communist party of America in penetrating into every possible 
organization with a view to getting control so that when the time comes 
for the great general strike which, they believe and hope, will lead to the 
overthrow of the United States Government by violence, they will already 
have these bodies definitely aligned with them. The party has several mem- 
bers in the American Civil Liberties Union and the constant activities of 
that body are proving of great moral and financial benefit to the Communists. 

Rose Pastor Stokes, who was a delegate to the illegal Bridgman con- 
vention, was one of those reported present at the meeting of the Executive 
Committee of the American Civil Liberties Union, on August 28, 1922, at 
the Union’s headquarters in New York, although she was not a member of 
the committee, when the decision was reached, after discussion of White’s 
desirability as a member of the National Committee, to elect him to the 
Committee if, upon inquiry, it was learned that he would accept. Among 
the others at this meeting were Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Robert Morss Lovett, 
then president of the Federated Press League, the connection of which with 
the Communist party has been shown in a previous chapter. Lovett wrote 
to the Communist leader, Bruce Rogers, in Los Angeles, to canvass the 
motion picture colony, giving the names of several prominent movie people 
who “are with us,” and who “helped us before and will do it again”; Nor- 
“man M. Thomas, Walter Nelles, B. W. Huebsch, the well-known publisher, 
and Roger N. Baldwin, the “slacker” during the war who served a sentence 
in prison and who is one of the active heads of the organization. 

At this same time meeting of the Executive Committee it was also de- 
cided to arrange a meeting for Senator Borah on the amnesty question and 


[117] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


to supply funds for the meeting. This is not the first time that Senator 
Borah’s name has appeared in the minutes of the meetings of the American 
Civil Liberties Union, for he has asked this radical organization to pre- 
pare bills for him to introduce in the Senate of the United States. The 
minutes of a meeting of the Executive Committee, on October 3, 1921, record 
that Senator Borah asked, through Albert DeSilver (among whose other 
activities was that of being treasurer of the I.W.W. Defense Fund) that the 
Union draft bills repealing title 12 of the Espionage Act, under which the 
postal authorities still censored the mail. Included also were to be amend- 
ments to that section of the obscenity statute which would eliminate the 
words “tending to murder, arson and assassination” under the “‘indecent” 
definition. The minutes of the following meeting, on October 10, show that 
DeSilver reported that the two bills had been prepared and forwarded to 
the Senator. In the minutes of the April 17, 1922 meeting, we read: “The 
material for Senator Borah has been submitted to him and it is expected 
he will make his speech to the Senate in a comparatively few days.” On 
May 1 it was reported Senator Borah was still contemplating his speech. 

- Complaint has frequently been made that the American Civil Liberties 
Union is never exercised about predicaments in which poor men, who are 
not radicals, find themselves. Their interests and activities are always, 
without exception, in behalf of lawbreakers of the radical criminal class. 
A survey of the National Committee of this: Union shows at once that prac- 
tically the entire membership is made up of radicals of one stripe or an- 
other. They solicit funds from every class, exactly as do the Communists, 
to be devoted to the defence or other assistance of criminals, never to aid 
a man who steals a loaf of bread for himself or his hungry family or who 
commits a crime of this nature. Of course in soliciting funds from the 
public it does not always admit that the money is to be thus used; many 
people contribute with the hazy idea of uplifting the downtrodden. This 
Union busily sought aid for those of its own members and others who, 
caught in the Bridgman raid, were actually engaged in a criminal conspir- 
acy against the United States Government. 

That the people who are directing the functions of the American 
Civil Liberties Union have been looked upon for some time as not only 
radicals but also in some cases as Bolsheviks is well known. Felix Frank- 
furter, one of the shining lights of the Union, as has been seen, once drew 
down upon himself a most scathing arraignment when he, as counsel for 
President Wilson’s Mediation Commission in the Mooney case, had the 
temerity to attempt to interest Theodore Roosevelt in the work he was doing. 
Ex-President Roosevelt’s Americanism has never been questioned by friend 
or foe; his loyalty to Harvard, where Frankfurter has long been teaching, 
was famous among the students and alumni, and he bluntly compared Frank- 
furter to Trotsky and found little difference. 

Allusion is here made to Roosevelt’s letter to Frankfurter, quoted in 
a previous chapter, because of the former President’s expression of opinion 
in regard to the I. W. W., the Mooney and Billings cases, and similar indi- 
viduals and organizations; in the cases mentioned the American Civil Liber- 


[118] 









Reverend Charles, M. Lathrop, Executive Secretary of the iDe- 
partment of Social Service of .the National Ci 
prscopal Church: 


“Our government particularly in the arrest of the alleged 
communists: ‘in “Michigan »seems to take the position that it is a 
crime to: be a’ commumst: I-cannot help but be reminded of 
the original’ commrnists who were the first converts to the 
Christian faith. -ffthe’Roman Government in the early days of 
Christianity had taken the sare attitude. the entire Apostolic 
College would have been arrested,.Saint Peter, Saint John and 
the rest of them. They woulc have been in the same - position 
as Mr, Foster, Mr. Ruthenberg and the others are to-day. For- 





tunately the Imperial Government of Rome at that time was 
not jso reactionary. As an American citizen and speaking for 
myself, I want to’ take. my stand on the basic right for any- 
body in the United States to be a communist who wishes to 


BbeRonC a 

















e€sus~ Thinkers 


By Michael Gold 


ESUS suffered and died for something he believed good; 
he was not a verbose, tricky journalist, a suceessful par- 
son, a cunning exploiter of labor, or even a politician, and 
for this we'diust respect him. For his age Jesus was un- 
doubtedly an innocent and beautiful poetical voice of all that 
is best. in the emotions of the animal Man; -we can love him 
for that, as we love Shelley and Whitman. We have all of 
us his tender child-hunger in our-veins, that makes us dream 
of a simple and gentle world, where there is no strife, where 
all is mild and fraternal, and where men are as little chil- 
dren, It is a beautiful weakness to try:to live in that world 
now. It is a cowardice, too, and must be extirpated from 
one’s soul with a terrible knife if one is to become a m>- 






fusion, ineffectiveness, and despair in the 
Exactly as we must Jearn to break ? 4% AN 
fathers to become men, so we Al 

Father of Jesus, and.st 2 
earth. Just as ~~’ 
hood, so.” 














The spirit of Jesus, His legend in one’s blood, lea yi 






11 


type of super-being, but he makes the typical Jesus-mistake 
of refusing to admit that there are obstacles in the path of 
such a world. There are governments, policemen, capitalists, 
politicians, armies, navies, gunmen, the state. To the Jesus- 
thinker these count for nothing. It is necessary only to be 
noble and to save other. souls for-nobility. It is not neces- 
sary to think out plans for meeting the opposition, for there 
is no opposition to nobility. It is not necessary to think 
about what might: happen if millions of the poor suddenly 


--rose against the rich; and the rich turned machine guns on 


them, It is not necessary to think about what to do with 
men who try to-assassinate the leaders of a free and fra- 


- ternal world, as they who sought to assassinate Lenin. 


_ The Jesus-thinkerg care ‘only for the nobility and purity 
of their own souls. They are ethical. But does a doctor 
dream of ethics when he is cutting some rotten flesh out of 
the side ofa sick man? Does a drowning swimmer think of 
nobility and purity when he is caught by an undertow? He 
-’"\nks only jof objective things, of the force of the waves. He 
aks of his ‘own force. The doctor thinks scientifically when 
5 performing an operation. There is a science in human 
‘vy, too; that is what the Jesus-thinkers will never ad- 
see. They mistake their own longings for the move- 
humanity. They are egotists, worried about their 
s. They. refuse to be objective. It is an ethical 
heir eyes\to acknowledge that the majority of man- 


Se 
6 RAVE 







222 > aang 















Rev. Harry F. Ward of the American Civil Liberties Union expresses his 
opinion of the raid upon the Communist Convention at Bridgman in the Jan. 1923 
issue of the Social Service Bulletin of the Methodist Federation for Social Service. 
A similar expression from Rev. Charles M. Lathrop, executive secretary of the Depart- 
ment of Social Service of the National Council of the HMpiscopal Church, says: “I 
want to make my stand on the basic right for anybody in the United States to be a 
communist who wishes to be one.” 

A page from Max Hastman’s Liberator, Sept. 1922, showing title, “The Jesus- 
Thinkers” by Michael Gold. Among other things, Gold says: “The legend of Lenin 
is more beautiful to me than the legend of Jesus. * * * The Russian Bolsheviks 
will leave the world a better place than Jesus left it.’ 





AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION 





ties Union was particularly active, in an effort to prevent the criminals 
from paying the penalties imposed by the courts of the country for the 
crimes committed. It was also exercised over the predicaments of Com- 
munists in various parts of the country who were sentenced under the anti- 
syndicalist laws of different States; and it is not infrequent to find notation 
in the minutes of their meetings that appeal to the Supreme Court of the 
United States will be taken in an effort to save the radicals convicted of 
conspiracy to overthrow by violence the Government of the United States. 

The activities of the Union, however, do not stop with trying to aid 
Communists and other radicals and criminals after they have been con- 
victed of crimes, but it conducts political campaigns in various States in 
an effort to bring about the repeal of laws enacted to protect the Govern- 
ment from conspiracies directed from Moscow, and it provides money 
for the Communists with which the anti-American fight may be conducted. 
The minutes of the Executive Committee meeting held May 8, 1922, show 
the following entry: 

“An application from the National Defense Committee for a loan of 
$500 for ninety days was noted, and was referred to Mr. Baldwin to ne- 
gotiate on his personal responsibility with the general approval of the 
Committee.” 

It is interesting to note that this National Defense Committee is wholly 
Communist, controlled from Moscow, one of the many “legal” organizations 
doing the work of the secret Communist party of America. Its membership 
is entirely of Communists, most, if not all, of them in attendance on the 
illegal, underground Communist convention at Bridgman. This committee 
was made up of Max Bedacht, J. E. Ferguson, L. E. Katterfield, Edgar 
Owens and C,. E. Rutherberg. And this is the organization for which the 
American Civil Liberties Union authorized the negotiation of a loan “‘with 
the full approval” of the Executive Committee. 

The chairman of the American Civil Liberties Union is Harry F. Ward, 
the preacher whose utterances in the Methodist Textbook on radicalism 
caused a scandal. He was formerly connected with the Boston School of 
Theology, is a teacher of Christian Ethics at Union Theological Seminary 
and has been a leading factor in the Interchurch World Movement and the 
Federated Council of Churches of Christ in America. His sympathy and 
cooperation with Socialists, I. W. W., radical and other anti-American 
movements have been notable. He was a pacifist during the war, and prac- 
tically all of his associates in the organization have records as pacifists and 
defeatists in those troublesome days, some of whom were imprisoned for 
their refusal to fight when the United States was at war or for endeavoring 
to bring about the defeat of this country by actively aiding the enemy. 

Ward’s activities are best illustrated by citing a letter which was given 
out by the American Civil Liberties Union in April, 1922, and which was 
addressed to Congressman Martin B. Madden, chairman of the House Ap- 
propriations Committee. In this, he attempted to influence Congressman 
Madden for the purpose of securing a cut in the appropriations intended 
for the use of that executive branch of the Government which has most 


[119] 





REDS IN AMERICA 





to do with the suppression of revolutionary radicalism and emphasizing 
the specious claim that at that time radicalism was on the wane. Ward’s 
letter contained the following: 


“Radical activities in the United States have greatly decreased since 
1919. . . . The underground propaganda . . . is obviously that 
conducted by the Communists in the United States. The fact that propaganda 
is underground is due entirely to the repressive measures directed against it. 

The Soviet government is not responsible for this propaganda. It 
is a part of the international, revolutionary, working-class movement afhili- 
ated with one or another of the international bodies which express its 
programs and purposes.” 


As has been stated, the American Civil Liberties Union, a part of the 
open, legal machinery of the Communist party of America, and of which 
Ward is an official, is the central organization for the defense of radicals 
and Communists. Unquestionably, its files contain large quantities of 
information concerning the radical movement, as to gather such information 
is a part of its appointed function. In 1922, every independent investigat- 
ing agency in the United States had arrived at an opinion quite the opposite 
from that expressed in this letter to Congressman Madden. The conclusion is 
forced that Ward’s opinion was formulated as a result of a desire to cripple 
the defense mechanism of the Government in its fight against revolution 
either by violence or legislation, and to protect the activities of those who 
were his associates. 


Ward’s statement as to responsibility for Communist propaganda in 
this country sounds puerile in view of the recent controversy between 
Secretary of State Charles E. Hughes and Steklov (1923), the speech of 
Senator Lodge in the Senate (Jan. 1924), or the Senatorial investigation 
into Moscow propaganda in the United States (1924). It stamps him as 
one whose assumed leadership is defective in that he is either unacquainted 
with the conditions which he assumes to know most about or in that he has 
a conscious objective in misinterpretation of facts. 


The American Civil Liberties Union owes its existence to the notorious 
pacifist organizations of war-time fame, which were presumably financed by 
German agents in this country working desperately, and for a time 
successfully, to keep the United States from entering the war. To be sure, 
in its present form it has existed only since January 12, 1920, when it was 
formed as an outgrowth and with the merging of various organizations 
which were developed during the World War, dating from October, 1914, 
and the members of which were pacifists, defeatists, German agents, radicals 
of many hues, Communists, I. W. W. and Socialists. Among the organiza- 
tions included in the merger were such pacifist bodies as the American 
League to Limit Armaments, Emergency Peace Federation, First American 
Conference for Democracy and Terms of Peace, People’s Freedom Union, 
People’s Council of America, American Union Against Militarism, League 
for Amnesty for Political Prisoners, Civil Liberties Bureau, National Civil 


[120] 


etter wed anh CAGED BO ct la gh EA, ap cada SARA RS Oe he Ne RAS dO EOE 
AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION 














Liberties Bureau, American Neutral Conference Committee, and Legal First 


Aid Bureau. 


Of these—and there were others of less importance but with equally 
impressive names designed to fool patriotic Americans and lend aid to the 
enemy—the Emergency Peace Federation was organized in Chicago in Oc- 
tober, 1914, by Rosika Schwimmer, an Austrian Jewess by birth, of Ford 
Peace Ship fame, who is now in the United States on a lecture tour, and 
Louis P. Lochner, a Socialist of German descent and sympathies, who is now 
the Berlin representative of the Federated Press regarded by the Communist 
party as its official publicity organization. Two months later the American 
League to Limit Armaments was organized in New York by the same per- 
sons, for the purpose of combating militarism and the spreading of the 
militaristic spirit in the United States, obviously an effort to prevent this 
Government from entering the war against Germany. 


Associated with these pro-German agents in the organization of these 
anti-American bodies were; Mrs. Patrick Lawrence of England, Jane 
Addams, Rev. John H. Holmes, David Starr Jordan, Dr. Jacques Loeb, Dr. 
George W. Nasmyth, George F. Peabody, Oswald G. Villard, Morris Hillquit 
(Hilkowicz), Hamilton Holt, Elsie Parsons, Lillian D. Wald, Rabbi Stephen 
S. Wise and L. Hollingsworth Wood. 


The gradual evolution of the various anti-war and other subversive 
organizations into the American Civil Liberties Union brought quick re- 
sults. Radicals of every stripe found a haven in this body, each where 
he could help his particular friends who were in trouble because of in- 
fractions of the laws of the country. Soon after the formation of the Union 
we find the names of Amos Pinchot, brother of Governor Gifford Pinchot 
of Pennsylvania, as vice-chairman, and Scott Nearing and Max Eastman on 
the Executive Committee. And in the two years of its existence it has been 
used by all radicals to fight the existing Government of the United States. 
The rallying cry of “free speech and free press” brought many well-inten- 
tioned people into its ranks and hundreds of others to place their names 
on the lists of contributors. The difference between free speech and the 
conspiracy to overthrow the Government is not drawn by the leaders of the 
movement. Freedom to them means the license of treason and sedition. Za- 
charia Chaffee, colleague at Harvard of Felix Frankfurter, writes, preaches 
and presumably teaches that there should be no law against anarchy or 
sedition. 

The directors of the American Civil Liberties Union hold that citizen- 
ship papers should not be refused an alien because of his radicalism, no 
matter of what degree. They profess to believe that no persons should 
be refused admission to the United States, especially radicals, and that 
aliens should not be deported for expression of opinion or for membership 
in radical or even revolutionary organizations, even if they aim at the 
destruction of the Government and social system of the United States. 

The methods to be employed in securing civil liberties by this Union, 
they contend, is through maintaining an aggressive policy. This can be 


£121] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


obtained by unions of organized labor, farmers, radical and liberal move- 
ments, free speech demonstrations (as they interpret free speech), pub- 
licity through circulars and posters, but more particularly through personal 
influence with editors or subordinates on reputable newspapers, which is 
also their chief means of spreading subversive propaganda, and legal de- 
fence work. Thus the Union creates in the minds of Communists, Anarchists 
and all classes of radicals the idea that it is improper for anyone to interfere 
with their activities aimed at the destruction of American institutions. 

The activities of this organization are extensive. It assists any radical 
movement through publications of high standing in order to influence 
public sympathy toward the radical organizations, furnishing attorneys 
for radical criminals, conscientious objectors and radical or foreign spies, 
“bores from within” in churches, religious and labor organizations, Wo- 
men’s Clubs, schools and colleges and the American Federation of Labor, 
in order to spread radical ideas. The union maintains a staff of speakers, 
investigators and lawyers who are working in all sections of the country. 
Lawyers are furnished on short notice wherever a radical criminal gets into 
trouble. A press clipping service is maintained which keeps the organiza- 
tion in close touch with every radical criminal or group of radical criminals 
in trouble and immediate financial aid, publicity and counsel is offered. 
Aiding in this service are some 800 cooperating lawyers, and more than a 
thousand correspondents and investigators, representing 450 weekly labor, 
farmer and liberal papers with 420 speakers and writers. 

The American Civil Liberties Union was particularly active in aiding the 
Communists caught in the Bridgman, Mich., raid. It was active in behalf of 
trouble makers in connection with, and prominently identified with the coal 
and railroad strikes, the Amalgamated Textile Worker’s strike in Passaic, 
N. J., the National Committee for organizing Iron and Steel Workers in 
Duquesne, Pa., the Socialist party at Mt. Vernon, N.Y., and in fighting the 
State Supreme Court’s rulings on free speech during 1920, and the Sacco- 
Vanzetti defense in 1921. An office is maintained in Washington with the 
Federated Press organization to handle matter requiring direct contact with 
the Government. A special drive was engineered and directed by the Union 
seeking amnesty for so-called “political” and industrial prisoners, people 
who had been duly convicted of crime against the laws of the country. 
The organization established branch offices and bodies were formed under 
other names. It maintains separate funds such as an “amnesty fund” and 
an “J. W. W. Publicity Fund.” 

In addition to the regular services already furnished, an extra program 
was put forth upon which special efforts were devoted. This program 
included: amnesty for 150 “political prisoners” of whom 103 were 
members of the I. W. W.; test meetings as a basis for getting laws before 
the courts on the question of free speech; a special campaign against the 
American Legion and the Ku Klux Klan; completing studies on injunctions 
and advising tactics for labor organizations; a campaign in schools and 
colleges for “academic freedom”: and further development of the National 
Bill Fund to reach all defendants in “civil liberty” cases. The policies of 


[122] 


AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION 





the organization are determined by the National Committee and the carry- 
ing out of them is left to the Executive Committee which meets weekly. 
Rose Pastor Stokes, a delegate at the illegal Communist convention at 
Bridgman, is in close contact and at times sits with this executive committee. 


The Harvard Liberal Club, the I. W. W., the World War Veterans and 
many local ‘“‘defense leagues” and “civil liberty” organizations are affiliated 
with the union. The directors of the union, who are members of the exec- 
utive committee, are Roger N. Baldwin and Albert DeSilver. Baldwin has 
stated, in setting forth the purposes and principles of the Union, that “the 
advocacy of murder, unaccompanied by any act, is within the legitimate 
scope of free speech.” And in telling the position of the members of the 
organization, he says: 

“All of them believe in the right of persons to advocate the overthrow 
of government by force and violence. We want to, also, look like patriots 
in everything we do. We want to get a lot of good flags, talk a good deal 
about the Constitution and what our forefathers wanted to make of this 
country, and to show that we are the fellows that really stand for the spirit 
of our institutions.” 


It should not be forgotten that Baldwin refused to fight for the United 
States during the war and was sentenced and served time for “slacking.” 
The above was the advice given by Baldwin to Louis P. Lochner, repre- 
sentative of the communistic Federated Press in Berlin, in reference to the 
methods to be employed in carrying out the propaganda of the People’s 
Council which was organized to imitate in this country the Workmen’s and 
Soldiers’ Councils of Soviet Russia. And it is evident that these people 
see no crime in the advocacy of crime alone, even when that crime reaches 
the stage of treason and sedition. 


The following paragraphs from the 1920 Lusk Committee report con- 
cerning the American Civil Liberties Union, will prove interesting at this 
point: 

“An examination, however, of the propaganda and agitation which has 
been carried on in favor of the forceful overthrow of this Government shows 
that it does not consist of a mere expression of opinion, but invariably 
advocates measures for its effectuation. In other words, the representatives 
of revolutionary Socialists, Communists, Anarchists and other groups, state 
that by doing certain acts this Government may be overthrown and in each 
instance the agitator urges his hearers or his readers to commit those acts. 
]t is a well settled principle of law that any reasonable man is responsible 
for the logical and reasonable consequences of his acts and utterances. 


“While the Constitution of the State of New York guarantees the right 
of free speech it also contains the warning that the citizen may exercise it 
‘being responsible for the abuse of that right.” The effect of the activities 
of the American Civil Liberties Union is to create in the minds of the ill- 
informed people the impression that it is un-American to interfere with 
the activities of those who seek to destroy American institutions. They 
seek to influence legislators and executives to repeal or veto any act calcu- 


[123] 


REDS IN AMERGICA 








lated to protect the State or the Federal Government from the attacks of 
agitators. 

“It is interesting to note that the anxiety of the American Civil Liberties 
Union is shown only where the abuse of free speech is called in question 
because of attacks upon property or Government. The committee does not 
find anything in their literature which seeks to prevent a man from being 
punished because of libel or slander or because of licentious or immoral 
speech or writing. These writings or utterances are penalized under our 
institutions because they are deemed to be abuses of the right of free speech 
and that they will tend to destroy the reputation of an individual or they 
will tend to corrupt public morals. If the principles set forth in the 
‘Statement of Civil Liberty’ . . . were carried into effect, libel, slander 
and immoral or lewd writings and speech could not be punished.” 

After some further analysis this report says: 


“THE AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION, IN THE LAST 
ANALYSIS, IS A SUPPORTER OF ALL SUBVERSIVE MOVEMENTS, 
AND ITS PROPAGANDA IS DETRIMENTAL TO THE INTERESTS OF 
THE STATE. IT ATTEMPTS NOT ONLY TO PROTECT CRIME BUT 
TO ENCOURAGE ATTACKS UPON OUR INSTITUTIONS IN EVERY 
FORM.” 


The union is closely identified with groups in practically every 
city in the country known as “parlor Bolsheviki.” Speakers are furnished 
for these dilettante radicals whose influence would amount to little but 
for the fact that they can be counted upon for financial contributions to 
any movement that promises them a thrill. It has been said that many 
idle men and women become identified with this parlor Bolshevik movement 
through emotionalism and because it gives them something to think about. 
Whatever the reason, the Communists and the Civil Liberties Union agitators 
make use of these groups for financial aid and as means of spreading prop- 
aganda.. 

Just at present the Workers’ party of America is receiving the atten- 
tion of the American Civil Liberties Union, and through that organization 
the aid of the parlor Bolsheviki. The Workers’ party being the “legal 
expression” in politics of the Communist party of America, and its standard- 
bearer in New York, William F. Dunne, being charged with criminal con- 
spiracy for his participation in the illegal Bridgman Communist convention, 
the party is having a hard row to hoe. Among other attempted activities 
at this time is an appeal for funds from any source. 

The Workers’ party as a branch of the Communist party, has access 
to the “sucker lists” of people who have contributed to the finances of 
the party in various cities, and besides has “sucker lists” of its own which 
are shared with the Communists. The most remarkable feature of these 
lists is the number of names of prominent people upon them. For instance, 
the list for Philadelphia, which the Workers’ party has for use on the 
ground that the people have contributed to the funds of the Workers’ 
party (and of course the information is dutifully passed on to the Com- 
munists) contains approximately two hundred names, almost all of them 


[124] 





AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION 


well-known people. The name of Mrs. Gifford Pinchot, wife of the Governor, 
of Pennsylvania, is the seventh name on the list, which also contains the 
names of at least six members of the well-known and wealthy Biddle family. 
It is not intended even to insinuate that these people knew that they were 
contributing, if they did contribute, to the finances of an organization the 
chief aim of which was the overthrow by violence of the United States Govern- 
ment; they have undoubtedly contributed frequently to causes which they 
were told were for the uplift of the downtrodden or the bettering of the 
conditions of the working class. Thousands of Americans in other cities 
have, by contributing to similar funds, placed their names on similar lists. 


W. W. Weinstone, executive secretary of the Workers’ party of Amer- 
ica in New York, was in hiding for some months after the Bridgman Con- 
vention was raided, and this had embarrassed the party, especially with 
Dunne, the leader, in jail, or out on bond. However, Weinstone, who is 
a known Communist, still sent out orders for the campaign from his hiding- 
place. The party had difficulties in obtaining signatures to get the candi- 
dates on the ballot, as the membership, dismayed by the publicity attending 
the connection of the party with the illegal Communist party, was unwilling 
to furnish the signatures to the petitions. They were, therefore, compelled 
to pay men to do this work and, by order of E. Lindgren, who was held by 
the State of New York for extradition to Michigan charged with having 
participated in the illegal Bridgman Communist Convention, were asking 
members for funds to get the paid solicitors busy. This is where the “sucker 
lists” prove their worth. The apprehension felt by Weinstone, in his hiding 
place, was indicated by the following letter which he sent out under date 
of September 25, 1922: 


“To All Branches of the Workers’ Party Local, Greater New York. 


“Dear Comrades: Our party organization, for obvious reasons, has 
thus far failed to function effectively in the campaign. So far as getting 
signatures on the petitions is concerned we have fallen down miserably. 


“This means that if we depend upon our party membership to get sufh- 
cient signatures to place our candidates on the ballot, our party will not 
be on the ballot. If we do not get on the ballot, it will be a great blow to us. 


“We must under all circumstances get a place on the ballot for our 
party. [The italics are Weinstone’s.] And since we shall not be on the 
ballot, if we depend upon the party membership we are compelled to pay 
people who will get signatures for us. 


“A few thousand dollars is necessary immediately. We must raise 
that money at all costs. The City Central Committee passed a motion to 
the effect that every branch must contribue a sum of money for the campaign 
equal to fifty cents per member. If a branch has thirty members it must 
send in to the Local Office, $15; if it has forty members it must give $20, 
etc., etc. 


[125] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


es a er TE 


“Comrades—this matter cannot be delayed. 

“Hurry Comrades—by October 6th the Local must raise one thousand 
dollars for the campaign. Send in the money immediately. 

“Let us get on the ballot and begin a real campaign. 


“Fraternally, 
“W. W. Weinstone, 


“Executive Secretary. 


“P. S.—Branch Organizers. The leaflets for the Ratification Meeting of 
Sept. 29th are ready. Come down and get them. Get some comrades to 
distribute them.” 


The Communist International at Moscow had originally planned to 
have the Communist party of America make every effort to secure the elec- 
tion to Congress and to other offices of persons friendly toward Soviet 
Russia, and for this purpose promised to give the organization in this 
country a quarter of a million dollars for a campaign fund. But the 
inaction of candidates in whom they had placed confidence and the casual 
activities of others, made the Moscow Reds, plotting on the internal 
politics of the United States and with an organ to carry out their plots, 
lose confidence and they decided to withhold this fund at least until “the 
goods have been delivered.” 

Information reached the Communists of America that Moscow officials 
were particularly indignant at the action of Senator France, of Maryland, 
in introducing legislation to have the United States transfer six steamers 
to Poland and the Moscow people said that this action showed that 
Russia could not depend upon such friends. When the Communist Inter- 
national was informed of this state of affairs it abandoned its original plan 
and instructed the party here to exert all its efforts in using the elections 
for propaganda purposss. The Communist International, however, did 
appropriate $30,000 for the conduct of the election campaign by the Com- 
munist party through the Workers’ party of America. 


[126] 


CHAPTER EIGHT 


THE INDUSTRIAL PROGRAM 


The plan elaborated by the Communists for the purpose of gaining a 
foothold among the workingmen of various industries includes the for- 
mation of a series of “nuclei” or groups each consisting of ten members with 
a leader, who are pledged to the support of the revolutionary program. Only 
the leader knows the members of his own group or nucleus, and a limited 
number of other leaders. By this method it was hoped that by gradual ex- 
tension of the numbers of nuclei through propaganda, further insinuations 
of revolutionary thought would result until finally a sufficient minority 
would be under control to influence the passive thought and actions of the 
majority. For it must be remembered that the ultimate influences behind 
the world revolutionary movement are by a developed instinct, specialists 
in minority rule. 

There are but few groups of workingmen in the United States, either 
generally speaking or in a single industry that do not contain the germs 
of Communism in the form of nuclei. In many places the work of prop- 
aganda is being carried on more and more openly with little organized 
opposition, either from the workmen or the individual employers, where 
in previous years attempts of this sort were regarded as illegal and carried 
out in an underground manner. Dissatisfaction of any sort is a productive 
fertilizer for the growth of the seed of Communistic propaganda. Planted 
in the form of nuclei, Communists under direct orders of the party leaders 
take especial advantage of strikes to carry ignorant passions to open violence 
and to win adherents to their cause. 

There are but few strikes of any magnitude in which this dire influence 
is not felt. It was especially apparent in the New England Textile strike 
of 1922, and later in the coal and railroad strikes of the same year. The 
history of these attempts to utilize a big strike for the production of dis- 
order is best illustrated by giving a short account of the coal strike. What- 
ever may be said about the ultimate causes of the 1922 coal strike, and cer- 
tainly the actions of the United Mine Workers and its officials were not 
above criticism, Communist leaders saw therein an opportunity to 
further their program. Agents were sent into the Pennsylvania field, and 
very soon here and there nuclei were organized. Through their leaders the 
nuclei were put into touch with those groups which had been in existence for 
a longer period. Most, if not all of the members were enrolled in the United 
Mine Workers and through their locals naturally exerted a good deal of 
influence in the policies of the Union as a whole, bearing in mind that a 


[127] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


ee = : ee eS a A = —s . — —— AE 








well-directed, secretly organized minority can always control to a greater 
or less extent the policies of a presumably democratic organization. 

The gradual amalgamation of union and non-union workers in each 
line of industry into a single organization, first in cities, then in States and 
then in the entire country, is the first general step which is now being 
taken. Then will come, according to the schedule prepared by Moscow 
and American communists, the amalgamation of all workers of all in- 
dustries, first in cities, then in States and then in the entire country. When 
this is accomplished the stage will be set for the great general strike, if 
it cannot be developed from a local disturbance before that time. The com- 
munists plan this as the first general direct move toward the overthrow of 
the Government by force of arms. 

Many more steps have been taken toward this goal than the general 
public realizes. Communists attended, as members of the Maintenance 
of Way Union of the railroad sroup, the convention of that body in 
Detroit on the 5th of October, 1922, and showed their victorious hand 
when for the first time they were able to force a resolution through calling 
for the amalgamation of all rail workers. William Z. Foster, out of 
jail under bond for his participation in the “illegal” Communist party 
convention at Bridgman, Mich., was active at this meeting of the Main. 
tenance of Way Union. An Associated Press despatch from Detroit under 
date of October 5, tells the story: 

“The Maintenance of Way Union, in convention here, went on record 
today as favoring a union of the chief railroad workers’ organizations 
as a step toward more concerted action in matters relating to labor. 
A resolution instructing officers of the brotherhood to ‘prepare for the 
amalgamation of the unions’ was adopted after several hours of heated 
debate in which friends of President E. F’. Grable charged that the proposal 
was put forward by ‘a radical group’. 

“One speaker declared that it was evident that ‘representatives of Soviet 
Russia or the Industrial Workers of the World are secretly sitting in 
the convention hall’. The affairs of the convention, this speaker said, ap- 
parently were temporarily in the hands of William Z. Foster, ‘who is 
known wherever labor is organized as an ultra-radical’. 

“Foster attended one of the sessions on Tuesday without credentials 
and has since been barred from the floor.” 

This is the fight that all American workers, in unions and out, are 
fighting in their own ranks. Unfortunately, before they or the American 
people appreciated the seriousness of the situation or understood the de- 
signs the Communist regime in Moscow, through the Communist party of 
America, had on the United States Government and its institutions, the 
Communists had succeeded in planting many members in the different in- 
dustries, in the unions and among the non-union workers, and had such a 
foothold that they could not be eliminated. The sane, loyal American 
members of the Maintenance of Way Union have just discovered the ex. 
tent to which their organization is dominated by the Communists. 

Besides the active Communists “planted” in the labor organizations 


[128] 


er nt ER nl a at RE 


THE INDUSTRIAL PROGRAM 





or converted to Communism by the missionaries thus included in the mem- 
bership, there are a number of active “legal” bodies aiding in this work 
of aligning all labor for the united front “preparatory to the General 
Strike.” Among these are the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia, 
the Workers’ Party of America and the Friends of Soviet Russia, which are 
thesmost important. When it is understood that these organizations are in 
fact one and the same as the Communist party of America, it is easily 
seen that this is an important means of agitation which is legally utilized 
under the innocent guises of technical, famine or other kinds of relief for 
Russia. In a recent report by the Central Bureau of the Society for 
Technical Aid to Soviet Russia, sent to the communist authorities in 
Moscow, it is shown that the influence of this organization is rapidly ex- 
panding throughout the United States and Canada. A branch has also been 
established in Panama. 


In this report it is stated that the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet 
Russia had collected in 1922, $620,000 in this country for its work in behalf 
of the Communist movement here and in Russia. In fact, because of the 
comparative poverty of the rest of the world, the United States is very 
largely financing the ruling group in Russia, whose only American policy 
is the destruction by force of the Government of the United States. Of 
the $620,000 collected here on behalf of this seemingly excellent charitable 
movement $10,000 passed immediately into the coffers of the Communist 
party of America. The rest was variously expended, a considerable sum 
going in gold to the Communist circle in Moscow. The balance is vari- 
ously used in buying tools for Russia and in promoting industries in that 
country, in financing movements and spreading propaganda in this country. 
This sum was collected in less than six months, and sustains the hope of 
the Communists that more than $1,000,000 a year can be counted on from 
this source alone in the United States. 


An as an example of the thoroughness with which the work of the 
Communists in industries is done, correspondence in April, 1922, between 
James P. Cannon, national chairman of the Workers’ party of America, 
and T. R. Sullivan of St. Louis, one of the delegates to the Bridgman con- 
vention of the Communist party, may be cited. This correspondence re- 
ferred to the work of the communists in the southern Illinois coal fields, 
the scene of the Herrin massacre. Under date of April 17 Cannon wrote 
to “Dear Comrade Bob” asking for “a little report on the activities you 
are carrying on in the coal fields, stating just what is being done, and 
whether the work is being turned into account for organization purposes 
of the W. P.” (Workers’ party). Sullivan is also requested to “write 
something for the Worker about the Workers’ party activities in this strike 
in your district.” 

To this letter from the leader of one Communist organization, Sullivan, 
as a Communist leader, replied on April 22, in a letter which throws no 
little light on the miners’ strike and shows something of the strength of 
the Communists in the ranks of the coal miners. This letter reads: 


[129] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


“Dear Comrade: In compliance with your request for a little report 
on the work being done in the Illinois coal fields, | would say that to date 
as a result of meetings which I had in Southern [linois, together with 
consultations with other comrades active in the mine workers, the following 
program has been formulated and adopted and is now in progress of being 
put into effect by means of the organization of caucuses inside of many 
local unions. The program is first, that all members of the Workers’ 
party shall give their fullest and heartiest support to the aggressive carrying 
on of the miners’ strike. Second, that we stand for no split or dual unions 
and are pledged to give our undivided support to fighting any such tendency 
in the mine workers’ organization. Third, that we stand solidly for the 
basis for state agreement and will fight uncompromisingly any move for 
separate state agreements. Fourth, that we support in every way possible 
the demand for a special national convention to reinstate Alex Howatt and 
the Kansas miners. 

“We are carrying on a systematic organized campaign, for the purpose 
of carrying this program into effect, throughout the Southern Illinois coal 
fields, active work is being done along these lines in Zeigler, Christopher, 
Herrin, Valler, Johnston City, Collinsville, Bellville, W. Frankfort, Weaver, 
O’Fallon, Sesser, Royalton, Buckner, Benton, Staunton, Livingston, Mary- 
ville and other towns in Southern Illinois Coal Fields. 

“Our plan is to carry on this work of organizing these Left Wing 
caucuses and to circulate especially among those in these caucuses our 
party literature. This to be followed up with personal talks and where 
possible with mass meetings. This work, I believe is most fundamental 
and in a short time will result in our securing large numbers of the most 
intelligent and aggressive members of the United Mine Workers into the 
ranks of the Workers’ party. 

‘“‘Needless to say, some of the work which we are doing in the way of 
building a machine inside the United Mine Workers cannot be given 
publicity without bringing down upon our, as yet, incomplete organization 
the attacks of the powerful reactionary machine. I can say, however, that 
we have good reason to believe that by next winter we will have a very strong 
position in the U. M. W. of A., District 12. We are off with a splendid 
start on this work and there is going to be no let up until we have 
thoroughly entrenched ourselves.” 

This correspondence is but a sample of what is going on daily 
throughout the United States between men whose work is to lay the 
foundation for the overthrow of the United States Government. It was 
selected solely because of its part in the recent coal strike and shows, 
from their own records, what the Communists did to bring about the 
massacre at Herrin. 

Among the documents abandoned at Bridgman, Mich., when the Com- 
munist convention was raided by the Michigan authorities and the dele- 
gates fled or were arrested, were copies of two reports to Moscow on the 
work done by the organization in industry in the United States. These 
reports cover the entire country, show the part taken by the Communists 


[120] 


THE INDUSTRIAL PROGRAM 








in the agitation ostensibly in behalf of Sacco and Vanzetti, but more 
importantly to serve as a medium for creating unrest and hostility toward 
the Government, and prove the statements frequently made that the Com- 
munists are working inside the labor unions toward the end of over- 
throwing the United States Government by force. Erasures in the copies 
of these reports indicate that an effort was made to prevent by any chance 
the public learning that Foster’s Trade Union Educational League and the 
United Labor Council were controlled by the Communists. 


The first of these reports reads: 


“The periodic reports received from our comrades show great activity 
in the industrial field. Our comrades have taken leading parts in con- 
structive movements; at all times placing the labor movement as a whole 
above sects, party policies or theories. We are wel! represented at the 
United Mine Workers’ Convention and the Railroad Telegraphers’ Con- 
vention, doing our share of the preliminary spade work which must be 
done before broader fighting organizations can be developed. 


“We have organized the [Trade Union] Educational League, which 
has already established a Bureau of Railroad Workers and which is pre- 
paring to enter other industries, particularly among the steel, packing 
end building trades workers. As a step toward the unification of in- 
dependent unions we have made the [United Labor] Council of New York 
and vicinity a live body and organized the [United Labor] Council of 
America, which initiated a convention of all independent unions to be held 
in New York in the first week in January, when a permanent federation 
will be formed. Under our leadership the United Labor Council, in con- 
junction with the American Labor Alliance, Workers’ League and other 
organizations cooperated with defence organizations, agitating the cases of 
Sacco and Vanzetti. Our comrades in unions throughout the country have 
led the movements for the introduction of the shop delegate system, afflia- 
tion with the Red Trade International, Relief of Soviet Russia, Defense of 
Communists and other class conscious workers and have done much to 
make the unions face the problem of unemployment as a class issue. In 
Chicago we have made the Voice of Labor an industrial organ. Everywhere 
we support the labor press, urging unions to stand with the Federated Press. 


NEW YORK 


‘““Active in the United Hat and Cap Makers’ campaign to revive the 
Needle Trades Workers’ Alliance for all unions in the industry, numbering 
400,000 workers. Opposition by President Schlesinger of the I.L.G.W.U. 

“Active in cloakmakers’ strike. 

“Active in Locals 22 and 25 where we faced expulsion by the machine. 

“Propaganda to turn the I. W. W. toward the Red Trade International 
and at the same time seeking to overcome sterile dualism. 

“Tnitiating amalgamation of five shoe workers’ unions, in conjunction 
with our comrades in the United Labor Council. 

“Practically control knit goods workers’ union. 


[131] 


REDS IN AMERICA 








“Active among Foodstuff Workers, Public Service Organizations and 


Office Workers. 
“Important contacts with ex-soldiers. 


“After a long period of hard work we have gained some success in 
directing union activity through the Unemployment Council. 


“International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union, nineteen members in 
four locals. Industry not well organized. ‘Open Shop’ quite extensive 
in dressmaking line. 


“Arranged a conference in Needle Trades for reviving Needle Trades’ 
Alliance. 


CHICAGO 


“Amalgamated Clothing Workers, seventy members in eleven locals. 
Industry 100 per cent. organized. Many skilled workers unemployed. 
One local of 12,000 being won over to shop delegates system. Opposed 
bosses’ scheme to turn over plant management to workers as a means of 
strengthening speeding up shop benefit system. Faced expulsion for op- 
position to machine. Verblen expelled without fair trial. In some locals 
the officials refused to hold meetings from May to August. Under pres- 
sure from us they finally resigned and our comrades took their places. 


“Railroad workers, 50 members in four locals, 70 per cent. unem- 
ployed. Dual unions inactive. One Big Union dead. We have com- 
menced our Trade Union Educational League Railroad Bureau here as the 
only means of dealing with so large an industry. 


“Similarly in the Building Trades, where we have forty-two members 
in thirteen locals in six trades. We lead the rank and file movement 
against the Landis award, and are using the R. & F. committees to make 
for united action of crafts and scattered locals. Very strong in five car- 
penters’ locals. 


“We have foreign language comrades in ten steel plants and are faced 
with a great educational problem, the same as among the railroad workers 
already referred to, and among the stockyard workers, where we also have 
the problem of dualism to contend with. 


“Among the printers we are working with some success for a closer 
afhliation of trades. 


“Among the machinists we successfully resisted a split when there 
was a move to take a faction over to the Amalgamated Metal Workers. 


“At the Illinois State Federation of Labor Convention (Oct. 17-22, 
1921), we led successful fights for resolutions endorsing Friends of Soviet 
Russia, planning support of Mooney, Debs, Larkin, Gitlow and other class 
war prisoners, planning action for a shorter day and union relief work 
for unemployed, recognition for Soviet Government of Russia, planning 
united action by all crafts in building trades to oppose Landis award. 


[132] 





THE INDUSTRIAL PROGRAM 


BOSTON AND NEW ENGLAND 


“As far back as July we led movement to unite a score of shoe workers’ 
unions, including some scab unions. The job promises to be successful. 
Also planning shop delegate system. 


BALTIMORE 


“International Ladies’ Garment Workers, twenty-five members in Ladies’ 
Waist Makers’ Union. Active in strike committees. Twenty-three members 
in Cloak Makers’ Local. 

“Amalgamated Clothing Workers, eight members. 

‘‘Also members in Painters, Butchers and Bakers, Journeyman Tailors, 
American Tobacco Workers, United Cloth Hat and Cap Workers, German 
Barbers, Jewish Barbers and I. W. W. locals. 

“Campaign among independent unions to send delegates to conven- 
tion called by United Labor Council. 


CLEVELAND, TOLEDO 


“Active Unemployment Council. 

“Active in United Mine Workers, International Ladies’ Garment 
Workers, Painters, Carpenters, Bricklayers, Needle Trades, Food Stuff 
Workers, Electricians, Pattern Makers, Machinists, Moulders. 


DETROIT 


“Active in International Association of Machinists, I. W. W., Journey- 
man Tailors, Amalgamated Metal Workers, Carpenters’ Union, Painters. 
‘Delegates to Federation of Labor. 
Salen ee Or UG bes 


“Active in United Mine Workers, Building Trades, Rank and File 
Committee. 





CALIFORNIA 


Building Trades, San Francisco and District. Forced Building Trades 
Council to support general strike made necessary by open shop drive. 
Found Rank and File Committees in building and other trades. Led one 
of the greatest fights ever made by organized labor, although open shop 
won. Opposed dualism which sprang up following defeat nal ee a reaction 
against bureaucratic betrayals. 


pope als Wa Gilg Ba Bhd 


“Formed committee of 100 from Central Labor Council in order to 
prevent use of Seattle Union Record, for furthering financial schemes of 
the labor leaders. 

“The committee of 100 leads a real anti-capitalist movement among 
organized workers, and has working captains in the following trades: 
Machinists, boilermakers, shipwrights, building laborers, office employees, 


[133] 


REDS IN AMERICA 





foundry employees, iron molders, painters, dyers, cleaners, pressers, black- 
smiths, building service employees, auto drivers, lady barbers, metal pol- 
ishers, auto mechanics, city fire fighters, ship-yard riggers and fasteners, 
news writers, union waiters, bakers and confection workers, barbers, car- 
penters, sign painters, laundry workers, Typographical Union, tailors, mu- 
sicians, bakery sales girls’ local. 


BUFFALO 


“Bridge construction workers, needle trades. 


Prletede sbi ReGrk 


“Difficulty in making entry into steel workers. 


MINNEAPOLIS, ST. PAUL, DULUTH 


“Minneapolis—Railroads, 6 members; machine shops, 2 members; 
building trades, 3 members. 

“St. Paul—Packing houses, 2; railroad shops, 4; machine shops, 2; 
garment industries, 2. 

““Duluth—Some in iron ore and logging.” 


This report in Moscow could not fail to give the Red ringleaders 
there a comprehensive idea of the extent to which the work has been 
moving forward in the United States. It is evident that the preliminary 
work of “planting” representatives of the Communist party membership 
in the trades and industries has been thorough. It must be borne in mind 
that the establishment of these “nuclei” is for a definite purpose: to 
spread propaganda by word of mouth looking to the organization of Com- 
munist groups in every industry and gradually to get control of the workers 
in those industries. Once that is accomplished it will be easy, they believe, 
to make active Communists of all the workers, then to seize the industries. 
and when the general strike comes to turn all these workers against the 
Government in armed insurrection. 


In the second report found at Bridgman, which does not go so much 
into detail as to membership in various industries, it is shown that forty 
per cent. of the active Communists are members of unions and are working 
as instructed to advance the cause of Communism. The remaining sixty 
per cent. are working among non-union workers. Difficulties are encountered 
because of the fact that some of their members cannot speak English. This 
report also gives some of their plans for the future. It reads: 


“In judging the accomplishment of the party in the labor union 
field there must be taken into consideration not only the period of amal- 
gamation and controversy which seriously interfered with the carrying on 
of this work, but also the fact that at least 60 per cent. of our members are 
not members of labor unions. That from the forty per cent. who are 
members of labor unions, about one-third belong to unions outside of the 
American Federation of Labor, and that even of those who do belong to 
labor unions, there are a considerable number who cannot be used to 


[134] 










) at Ts, ANALYZEp 
ae AND CONTR 
5 : Hae ASTED 
ARXIAN AND DARWINIAN 
POINTS OF VIEW 
by 


William Montgomery Brow 
n 





ts from the 

















for Industria] Gaanite 
‘Ce 
Bradford-B 
Ponies Educational Company, Ine 
. onal Company, is i rn Galion, Ohi i 
The Brad ford- Brown Fducation Galion,Oho. One Hundred Twenty-f; hio 


ifth Thousand 
Publishers 





Episco 
Heretics” 





n Gravatt ) 
a s 
{to the ee act a by 
) statement “communism 
“nis pone , now 
‘sine rowr 

jantsi- pishop Brow eodore 
yhot yeale b re 


ooks iahots 
of POO tas. We 








Bishop William M. Brown of Galion, Ohio, member of the House of Bishops 
of the Protestant Hpiscopal Church, resigned as Fifth Bishop of Arkansas to become 
a self-styled ‘‘Episcopus in partibus Bolshevikium et Infidelium.’’ The cover of his 
book, *“‘Communism and Christianism.’ Checks given by Bishop Brown to C. E. 
Ruthenberg, executive secretary of the Communist Party of America and to Joseph 
Lang, alias Joseph Pogany the Hungarian Revolutionist who is now the party ‘‘boss” 
sent from Moscow. 








THE INDUSTRIAL PROGRAM 





carry our message to the workers in their various respective organizations 
due to the difficulties of language. 

“The results so far show that it has been especially difficult to get the 
foreign comrades to participate in this form of activity even in cases 
where methods were used to make it specially suitable for them to take 
part in nuclei work. 

“Those at present active in nuclei work are primarily English, Jewish, 
and German, and here and there Finnish comrades. From the other nation- 
alities there are very few who participate in this work. 

“In addition to the foregoing tremendous difficulties, there must also 
be taken into account the general state of affairs in this country where the 
bulk of the revolutionists are not within the labor unions, but are outside, 
either not organized and unwilling to join the existing labor unions, or 
organized in dual ‘model’ unions. 


“We have, therefore, a situation where the bulk of the revolutionary 
element in this country, Communists, sympathizers, anarchists and Socialists, 
are not part of the organized labor movement. As a result of this fact, 
the influence of the few thousand revolutionists who are organized in the 
Communist party of America is very limited. To this may be added the 
fact that in many industries labor organizations have hardly taken root, 
and in others there exist certain conditions which make it impossible to 
organize the workers without making gigantic efforts with a big apparatus 
and an enormous treasury behind it. Many of our members are in these 
industries, working as laborers, which generally makes them ineligible to 
membership in the American Federation of Labor. 


“The only feasible method suitable to the situation in the party was 
the establishment of the machinery for industrial work which at the be- 
ginning would function along the lines of the party. Later attempts 
were made to centralize the already established party nuclei along trade 
lines so as to coordinate the work in the various labor unions. 

“The coordination of this work has been made extremely difficult 
through the underground [illegal] organization, and many _ opportu- 
nities have been lost through lack of connections or through the impossibility 
of reaching the comrades in proper time with the proper advice. 

“Taking all these difficulties into consideration, the work accomplished 
so far bespeaks the correctness of the policy pursued by the party and the 
tremendous possibilities for the party by concentrating further upon this 
part of the party activities. 

“The progress made in the various districts, as reported by the dis- 
trict industrial organizers, the reports not being very complete, are as 
follows: 

“District I, (Boston headquarters). Nuclei in needle trades, cigar 
makers, building trades, shoe workers, textile workers and railroad shop 
crafts. 

“The nuclei lack centralization and have been largely organized by 
the individual efforts of comrades in those unions. The industrial depart- 


[135] 


REDS IN AMERICA 








ment in the district has not been functioning. The total number of those 
organized in these trades does not exceed one hundred.” 

The conditions in the other eleven districts into which the United 
States is divided by the Communist party were then similarly analyzed, and 
the report continues: 


“At best the prospects of our influencing the labor movement are 
mainly in the predominantly Jewish organizations like the International 
Ladies’ Garment Workers, Amalgamated Clothing Workers, Hat, Cap and 
Millinery Workers, etc. 

“There is a splendid chance for our propaganda, and a strong revolu- 
tionary element, and there are strong nuclei among the textile workers; also 
the United Mine Workers. 

“Among the shoe workers there are great possibilities for our work. 
Also among the automobile workers. There is also a good possibility for 
strongly entrenching ourselves in the machinist organizations and we have 
some good working groups in that organization. The prospects, however, 
of obtaining decisive influence in that organization are remote. 

“Our activities in the J. W. W. have led to their liquidation in a 
number of Eastern cities. 

“In the building trades we have strong groups in Chicago, New York, 
San Francisco and also other large centers. The more radical elements, 
especially among the painters and paper hangers, as well as the carpenters, 
are joining us in our work. 

“In the independent unions we have been especially successful among 
the Amalgamated Food Workers, the Metal Workers, Textile Workers, and 
Automobile Workers. 

“Our exact influence, however, in the I. W. W. and the independent 
unions, cannot be definitely known for lack of reports.” 

The Workers’ party of America in September, 1922, sent an appeal to 
all members announcing the designation of October, 1922, as a “red month” 
in which active recruiting must be done for the party. This party boasts 
of being the only revolutionary political party existing legally in the 
United States, and in this drive for membership let down the bars so that 
it would be less difficult for radicals to qualify for membership. The 
appeal showed very clearly the real nature and plans of the organization 
which is permitted to function openly and legally, and to have candidates 
for office on the ballot in New York State. The appeal was sent to all 
radical papers with instructions to print it on Oct. 1. The appeal to the 
second district, New York, read in part as follows: 


“Proletarians of all countries—unite! 

“Join the ranks of the Workers’ Party of America! 

“Manifesto of the District Committee of the Second District Russian 
Federation Workers’ Party of America. 

“The District Committee, Second District, Russian Federation, Workers’ 
Party of America, which includes the States of New York, New Jersey and 
Connecticut, has designated October as a red month, a month of recruiting 


[136] 





THE INDUSTRIAL PROGRAM 





new members. The District Committee Appeals to all conscious workers 
of the Russian Colony to become acquainted with the program of the 
Workers’ Party and join its ranks. The Workers’ Party of America is the 
only revolutionary party existing legally in the United States. [t numbers 
in its ranks the most forward, conscious element of the working class, 
distinguished by self-denial and preparedness for battle. 


“During the month of October every conscious worker or group of 
same can, without unnecessary difficulties or formalities, join our ranks. 
We call to ourselves only those who are ready to sacrifice themselves 
in the interests of the working class. 


“JOIN THEN THE RANKS OF THE WORKERS’ PARTY! 
STRENGTHEN AND HELP THAT PARTY, WHICH WILL LEAD THE 
WORKING CLASS OF AMERICA TO COMPLETE LIBERATION FROM 
THE CAPITALIST YOKE, AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A 
WORKERS’ REPUBLIC IN THE FORM OF A SOVIET GOVERNMENT.” 


“For more detailed information apply to I. Yanishevskaya, 208 East 
Twelfth St., New York City.” 


The name and address given were those of the secretary of the Russian 
Federation of the Workers’ party. He was also an employee of the All- 
Russian Jewish Relief Committee, “Idgeskom.” 


In an official bulletin issued by the Central Executive Committee of the 
Communist party of America shortly before the Bridgman convention the 
following instructions were given to all members, which shows conclusively 
that the entire industrial movement is controlled by the secret, illegal, 
directing branch of the party. All members were cautioned to read the 
bulletin carefully and to see to it that the instructions were carried out to 
the letter at once. After stating that the party has launched on enlarged 
work, it had this to say under the head of “Industrial Activities”: 


“The proper conduct of this line of activities is dependent upon the 
alertness and understanding of our forces, and must be controlled and 
euided by No. 1 [illegal]. The same principle applies here as was laid 
down before, that all decisions as to policies and fundamental principles, 
as well as tactics, are to be decided upon by No. | before being carried 
out in No. 2 [legal.] 

“We must organize nuclei of members of No. 2, and work as a unit 
within these nuclei, and become a live factor in all these activities; but at 
all times keep our own forces intact. We must endeavor to create left wing 
militant groups within the labor organizations, in which we must also be- 
come the leading factor. 

“The majority of our members must be on all important committees. 
All organizers must be chosen from our ranks, such as Sub-District In- 
dustrial Organizers, organizers for industries, trades and local unions. 

“All nuclei connections of No. One must be kept separately through 
the various units, and be held in readiness to be called at any time by the 
organizers. 


[137] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


‘All reports to the lower units connecting No. One with these activi- 
ties must be given verbally, and not appear in writing or in print. 

“In cases where new nuclei of No. Two are organized and a member 
of No. One cannot be placed as organizer, a member of No. One must be 
assigned to keep all connections of his membership; his connection in 
turn must be recorded with the District Industrial Organizer.” 


With the knowledge of methods and plans of the Communists it is 
easy to see the parts they have played in the strikes in industry that marked 
the year 1922. It has already been shown that they played leading parts 
in the railroad and coal strikes, and it is known that they were particu- 
larly active in the textile strikes in New England. Agents were sent from 
various parts of the country to each of the New England cities where the 
strikes were declared, reporting regularly to the higher officials of the 
Communist party and were directed in their work by the Central Executive 
Committee of the party. The American Federation of Labor fell into a 
simple trap set for it by the Communists, either knowingly or in child- 
like innocence, when it pledged $2000 a week to support the strikers. 


Typical of these agents was one Joseph Kowalski, a Pole and an alien. 
Kowalski had been deported a short time after the sailing of the Buford for 
participation in Communist enterprises and giving vent to seditious utter- 
ances. In December, 1921, he returned to America under a false passport, 
and quickly came in contact with leaders of the Communist party in this 
country. Kowalski was active both in the New England Textile and the 
coal strikes, making frequent trips from New York, where he made his head- 
quarters, to centers in New England and Pennsylvania. It is a matter of 
record that following the beginning of the coal strike until his arrest in 
August, Kowalski had himself organized over 2,000 striking miners in nuclei 
of ten members each, and through them violence was promoted and the poli- 
cies of the unions and their members influenced. Kowalski was only one of 


many such agents. 

Kowalski’s arrest led to his proper identification and a clue to his 
activities while abroad. It was established that at least part of the time, 
he had been influential and highly placed member of the Che-ka, or the 
Commission for the Suppression of Counter-Revolution of the Russian Soviet 
Government, and as such responsible for the continued detention in jail of 
seven American citizens. He was convicted of violation of the Deportation 
Act and sentenced to Atlanta Penitentiary for one year and to be again 


deported. 

As an example of the cleverness with which the Communists work, 
the textile strikes are illuminating. It was pretended that intense rivalry 
existed between the Amalgamated Textile Workers and the United Textile 
Workers. Both were conducting strikes on similar lines, but they con- 
tended that they were not only in no way connected but were actually 
hostile to each other. Undoubtedly many of the rank and file of the 
organizations believed this. But the leaders knew the fact, that both were 


[138] 


THE INDUSTRIAL PROGRAM 





absolutely controlled by the Red Trade Union International, a Communist 
organization of Moscow with active agents in this country. 

This organization has the same principles as all Communist bodies, aim- 
ing at the taking over by the workers of all industries and the establishment 
of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat after all organized government has 
been overthrown by force of arms. Naturally, only the leaders of the 
“rival” textile organizations knew of the relationship between the two as 
this and the overlordship of the Red Trade Union International was kept a 
profound secret. 


[139] 





CHAPTER NINE 


THE STAGE AND THE MOVIES 


The Communist party of America was quick to see the excellence of 
the stage and the screen as mediums through which Communist propaganda 
could be fed to the public without contravention of the laws. As soon as 
the report on this phase of extending radicalism to the general public was 
explained to the high Communist authorities in Moscow a plan was agreed 
upon to enlist the movies and the stage for this purpose, and Moscow 
stood ready to spend whatever money was necessary to further such a move- 
ment. Charles Recht, the highest Soviet representative of Communist Russia 
in America today, took up with Will H. Hays, as head of the Motion Picture 
industry in the United States, the matter of producing radical films to cost 
$8,000,000, the money to be furnished from Moscow. It is impossible to, 
state exactly how much of this $8,000,000, was raised in the United States 
and sent to Moscow, but it is safe to say that three-quarters of the amount 
came from the pockets of citizens of this country, and the chief purpose 
for which it was solicited was the destruction by force of this Government. 
Publicity attending this proposal resulted in the failure of the scheme to 
flood the United States with propaganda films; the Recht scheme fell 
through. | qx 

Unfortunately for the loyal American members of the labor unions 
of this country the Communists have linked labor with Communism in 
the film service that is supplied to motion picture houses throughout the 
country. In addition to this general service, a special class of films is 
being used at union and non-union workers’ meetings, picnics and other 
gatherings. These pictures are especially designed to create dissatisfaction 
among the workers by showing exaggerated pictures of life among the rich 
and the contrast of life among the very poor. In urging the use of these 
pictures the Communists point out the fact that messages may be con- 
veyed to the public by means of the screen which would not be permitted 
by law to be spoken from a public platform. 

Many prominent “movie favorites,” men and women, as well as stars 
of the legitimate stage are involved, knowingly or unknowingly, in this 
plan to sow the seed of Communism through entertainment for the public. 
fsadora Duncan, the dancer, who expressed vitriolic indignation when it 
was suggested that she, or her new Russian husband, might be tainted 
with Communism, when they were held up for brief investigation at Ellis 
Island, is quoted far and wide in Communist newspapers and magazines, 
published in many languages, in her expression of favor for the Russian 


[141] 








REDS IN AMERICA 








Communistic regime. It can be found in big, black type in these Communist 
publications as follows: 

“The martyrdom which Russia is suffering will be as fruitful for 
posterity as the martyrdom of the Nazarene.” 

She has never denied having made the statement, as far as is known; 
she has preached Red Communism in this country, and she numbers among 
her intimate friends many Communists both in America and in Europe. Yet 
she was indignant when the suggestion was made that she, or her husband, 
might be a Communist. 

In this connection it is interesting to note that all artists—actors, 
singers, dancers and the like—coming to the United States from Russia 
are obliged to secure permission from the Soviet authorities before they are 
permitted to leave Russia. This includes all, including the Moscow Art 
Theatre Company, whether of Russian origin or of any nationality. This 
permission is granted only if the artists agree in writing to three conditions 
which are included in the contract which enables them to leave Russia. 
These three conditions are: 

1.—The artists agree not to conduct propaganda while in the United 
States against the Soviet regime. Special preference is shown those who 
agree to conduct propaganda for the Soviets. 

2.—They agree to deduct from their earnings for the benefit of the 
Soviet State twenty-five or thirty-three per cent of their earnings while in 
this country. (There are evidently two forms of contract.) | 

3.—They agree to return to Russia at the expiration of their leave. 

In order to justify these demands and in order that certain artists will 
not be alarmed at thus signing away their receipts to the Soviets, the Soviet 
Government has appointed a “special committee” which supervises the trips 
and instructions to the artist. This committee consists of reliable mem- 
bers of the Communist party, but for the purpose of distracting the attention 
of the capitalist nations from the Committee, all official papers are signed 
by Krassin. It is believed that the money thus collected goes to the Inter- 
national Propaganda Bureau in Berlin, which regularly sends funds to the 
Communist party of America to aid it in its fight against the Government of 
the United States. It may be stated authoritatively, at any rate, that a 
eoodly portion of this money, collected from lovers of opera, the stage 
and dancing in the United States, is used for propaganda of the Communist 
movement. ‘The artists are ‘‘remitted” the amount of their “taxes”, accord- 
ing to the contract, if they disseminate communist propaganda in the 
United States. 

Some of the artists coming from Russia are opposed to the Communists, 
but they are not allowed to leave the country at all unless they agree to the 
terms set forth above. In order to control them and divert their attention 
from the real purpose of their trip, and to conceal from them the use of 
the money they contribute to the Communist coffers, the “Special Committee” 
hides behind the name of the Central Famine Relief Committee. The super- 
vision of such artists and money is turned over to innocent-appearing Soviet 
organizations in various countries, such as, for instance, the Russian Red 


[142] 


THE STAGE AND THE MOVIES 








Cross in the United States. Incidentally, it should be mentioned here that, 
according to official statements by Soviet authorities, the danger of famine 
in Russia is past; crops have been excellent, and there is no starvation due 
to famine. In fact grain is now being exported to central European 
countries. This authoritative information should be sufficient answer to 
the hysterical pleas to the American public to “Save Starving Russia.” 

The connection between the tours of Russian actors and artists and the 
Soviet ring in Moscow is shown in the certificate furnished the Russian 
Red Cross representative by the Communist authorities, which reads as 
follows: 

“R. S. F. S. R. (Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic) Central 
Famine Relief Committee. Special committee for the Organization of 
Artists’ Tours and Art Exhibits, of the People’s Commissariat for Educa- 
tion. 

“Dated at Moscow, ———, 192—-, No. A 

“The Special Committee for foreign artistic tours and art exhibits 
hereby certifies that the Representative of the Russian Red Cross in America 
is granted the right to be an Agent of the Special Committee for arranging 
in America appearances of Russian artists and for the organizing of art 
exhibits. 

“The Representative of the Russian Red Cross in America is authorized 
to conduct, in the name of the Special Committee, negotiations with impre- 
sarios regarding the conditions under which artists will appear and will 
conclude in its name, contracts with the impresario-promoters with the 
sanction of the Special Committee in each particular case, in accordance 
with instructions given to the Russian Red Cross, 

“The Representative of the Russian Red Cross is obliged to render 
to Russian artists aid in the judicial defense of their interests in the event 
of a violation of the contract on the part of the impresario. 

“(Signed) B. KRASSIN, 


“Acting Chairman of the Special Committee.” 


Early in the movement the Communist ring in Moscow awoke to the 
fact that the American people were profligate with money spent on foreign 
theatrical and operatic talent. It took but a short time for them to begin 
the organization of companies to be sent on tour in the United States in 
order to get some more of that easy money for Moscow. It has already 
been noted that a part of the plans of Captain Paxton Hibbon, as set forth 
in an interview in the Moscow Izvestia, official organ for the Communists 
in the Soviet regime in Russia, to raise money for Russia was by arranging 
“a trip of Russian actors to the United States, together with musicians and 
artists who will under the auspices of the Russian Red Cross [which is con- 
trolled by the Red Government of Russia] help to collect means for the 
relief of Russia and at the same time will prove to the American public 
the high standard of Russian art reached during a time of revolution.” 

The spoken word, however, even singing and dancing, do not carry 
Communistic propaganda as far or as adroitly as do the films, which ac- 
counts for the fact that the Communists are devoting more attention to the 








[143] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


films than to the legitimate stage. To be sure, the stage brings in a steady, 
reliable income which the Moscow ring greatly needs and so this feature 
of the work is continued. Every “artist” sent over from Russia under con- 
tract with the Soviet Government allots a definite portion of earnings to 
the Government as is specified in the contracts. And the people of the 
United States who patronize these performers may be assured that they are 
seeing the best there is in Russia; for there is abundant and reliable evidence 
that instead of a “high standard of Russian art reached during a time of 
revolution,” the stage and all the arts in Russia have fallen into the lowest 
state of degradation reached in any country in modern times. With the. 
theatres patronized exclusively by the peasants and workers the stage has 
been brought down to a new low level. The drama is now almost entirely 
lewd and suggestive beyond anything ever seen in any country before. 

Inasmuch as some controversy has arisen over the documented facts 
stated above, concerning the relations between the Soviet government and 
the Moscow Art Theatre, other evidence which clearly substantiates these 
official statements, is presented in the following. During the winter of 
1921-1922, Mr. Morris Gest successfully initiated “Russian” dramatic prop- 
aganda in this country by presenting the Chauve-Souris at the Century 
Theatre in New York. On August 28, 1922, most of the New York morning 
papers carried announcements to the effect that Morris Gest and F. Ray 
Comstock were bringing “Europe’s foremost theatrical organization, the 
Moscow Art Theatre” for a limited engagement to begin in January, 1923. 
These articles comprised about a column and a half respectively in The 
New York Times and The Herald and were identical in language and of a 
style easily recognized as written by a press-agent. In the course of a lurid 
description of the histrionic abilities of the Moscow Art Theatre group, 
this press-agent release said, italicized for emphasis: 


“Permission of the Soviet government has been obtained for the Amer- 
ican tour under unusual circumstances. The company has a leave of ab- 
sence from Moscow for seven months from next January. But under the 
conditions of this leave of absence it must return to its home stage in time 
to celebrate the silver jubilee of its founding in the early autumn of 1923. 
[As a matter of fact this troop is still in the United States (Jan. 1924).] 

“The culmination of the negotiations in Mr. Gest’s invitation and the 
Moscow Art Theatre’s acceptance marks the completion of one of the most 
intricate, prolonged and costly parleys in the annals of the contemporary 
theatre. Ever since last February, when Mr. Gest made the first overtures 
to Moscow, following the enormous success which Balieff’s Chauve-Souris 
had scored, the cables have been kept busy. Thousands of words have 
passed in both directions, and in June, Nikolai Rumiantseff, business man- 
ager of the theatre, arrived in New York to conduct negotiations in person.” 


The Moscow Art Theatre evidently started for America promptly. 
Cyril Brown, special correspondent of The New York Times at Berlin, 
cabled his paper under a date of Sept. 2, the following: 


“The Moscow Art Theatre Argonauts will sail on their own ship from 


[144] 


THE STAGE AND THE MOVIES 


a 





Soviet Russia on Sept. 10 with the intent to tour America and display Rus- 
sian art, under a pledge to refrain from all Bolshevistic propaganda or any 
other political activity, under the management of Morris Gest. The Soviet 
government has placed a special ship at the Art Theatre’s disposal for 
transportation of scenery, properties and personnel from Petrograd to 
Stettin, Germany. 

“The Soviet was forced to tender shipping because the railroad service 
is such that special trains could not be spared to transport the Art Theatre 
with its elaborate bag and baggage. 

“Water transportation for the troup from Petrograd to Danzig costs 
333,000,000 Soviet rubles. 

“Tt took a lot of red tape before the Soviet ihe gave permis- 
sion for the Art Theatre’s journey to America. - 


The advance guard of the Moscow Art Theatre eet in New York on 
the last day of 1922, according to The New York Times of the following 
morning. The party Gneluded Sergei Barthenson, designated as the manager. 
A release by The American Defense Society, comprising the substance of 
the documentary evidence above given, had some days previously been 
broadcasted to the American press, and it had caused vigorous denials and 
protestations of disbelief on the part of many interested persons notwith- 
standing its authoritative character. Upon landing, a reporter asked Ber- 
thenson: 


“Tt is said that 33% of the profits from the American tour will go to 
the Soviet government.’ 

“*That is not true,’ said Mr. Berthenson. ‘The proceeds of the first 
five performances will go to the Russian Relief Association, which is like 
the American organization now working in Russia. It will be devoted to 
feeding and clothing destitute Russian people and especially the children. 
We do not pay any state tax to the government nor have we consulted the 
Soviet in any way before coming to the United States.” 


The players themselves landed Jan. 4, 1923. In the large party at the 
dock to greet the new arrivals was Sergei Rachmaninoff, the pianist, and 
“Boris Anisfeld, who has done many of the scenic settings at the Metro- 
politan Opera House.” When Constantin Stanislavsky, “one of the two 
founders of the famous cooperative organization” was told that their en- 
trance to this country had been protested by The American Defense Society 
on the ground that support of the Moscow Art Theatre would contribute 
either directly or indirectly to the support of Communist propaganda in 
this country, he said through an interpreter, shaking his head: 


‘Tt is not so. We have no connection with the Soviet government.’ ’ 
The next reel in this “Russian” theatrical scenario is given by The New 


York World, September 15, 1922. The article follows a “double head” and 
is itself “double leaded,” thereby placing the information it contains in the 


important or “must” class. The caption reads: “KAHN BACKS RUSSIAN 
ART THEATRES HERE.” “METROPOLITAN OPERA CHAIRMAN 


[145] 


REDS IN AMERICA 








ALSO HELPED BRING BALIEFF’S CHAUVE-SOURIS TO AMERICA.” 
The body of the article follows: 


“Otto H. Kahn, Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Metro- 
politan Opera Company and liberal patron of the arts with many millions 
is the silent figure, sometimes called ‘angel,’ back of the Russian Art Theatre 
movements in America, The World learned from authoritative sources yes- 
terday. Mr. Kahn, when questioned as to his cooperation with Morris Gest 
of Comstock-Gest admitted he was instrumental in the New York presenta- 
tion of Balieff’s Chauve-Souris and that he was sponsoring the coming visit 
of the Moscow Art Theatre Company to America. 

“The financier, one of the best known patrons of the arts, did not go 
into figures regarding his support of Mr. Gest, but was enthusiastic in his 
praise of the producer who brought to this country new and striking organ- 
izations. fs 


The same issue of The World contained a special dispatch from London 
in which it is stated that “Feodor Chaliapin, famous Russian baritone-bass, 
who sails for New York, Oct. 25th, and who is to fulfil a contract with the 
Metropolitan Opera Company, to-day said he is to receive 30% more than 
Caruso ever got from the Metropolitan for the same number of perfor- 
mances. His contract is for a minimum of fifteen appearances. 

“Chaliapin told The World representative he intended to go into the 
movies while in America and would play the leading part in a novel sce- 
nario in which he is collaborating with Maxim Gorky.” The World, in com- 
ment following, places Chaliapin’s salary at $4,000 for each appearance 
at the Metropolitan. 

The busy Mr. Gest then returns from Europe again in a gray topper 
and will neither affirm nor deny cabled reports to the effect that he would 
bring to America Lady Diana Manners or Eleonora Duse. He did say, 
however, according to The Times of August 16th, 1923 that “he had now 
got his parents with seven brothers and sisters living in Berlin, after spend- 
ing four years in getting them safely out of Odessa. They will remain in 
the German capital, he added, until his mother’s health has been completely 
restored. Then he will bring his family to America.” 

Meanwhile, it is announced from Moscow through the medium of The 
Times, June 29, 1923, that “the ex-Imperial ballet of Petrograd will give 
a season in New York next winter, with full cast of two hundred artists 
from the Petrograd schools and a selection of its unparalleled costumes 
and decorations. Ivan Vassilivich Ekskosovich, Director of the State Thea- 
tre, Petrograd, informed The New York Times to-day that authorization 
had just been received for an American tour, which, unlike the Art Theatre, 
will be unpreceded by performances in Europe.” 

After reciting the difficulties which beset the company during the trying 
days of the revolution when “bullets flew in streets outside, though stage 
and dressing rooms were in arctic cold through lack of fuel,” nothing 
daunted, these Russian stage-folk of the Petrograd State Theatre, “carried 
on its business as usual.” Then the story continues: 


[146 } 


THE STAGE AND THE MOVIES 





“Now there has been formed a mixed company with the State to run 
the Petrograd State Theatre in Russia and abroad.” 


The Labor Film Service was the name of an organization, as usual 
using “labor” as a medium of appeal, formed for the express purpose of 
presenting radical films for exhibition before American audiences. The 
field director of this organization was, from the start, J. D. Cannon, ot 
Seattle, Washington, a radical leader who had been active in iron and stee! 
workers’ strikes and an official of the Mine, Mill and Smelters’ organiza- 
tion. Cannon carefully canvassed the United States, selling stock in the 
Labor Film Service at $10 a share, chiefly to members of labor unions, 
with the argument that he was going to present films to counteract the 
capitalist films being shown which placed labor in a false and undignified 
position. He made no secrecy of presenting radical films, although to 
the union members he did not admit that he was working for Communism. 
He announced that the pictures presented by his company would be propa- 
ganda in behalf of radical and labor unions, motion pictures describing 
what he called the terrible conditions existing among the working classes 
‘in the United States. The pictures were designed to stir up antagonism 
and hatred between workmen and their employers. 

One of the first pictures presented was The Contrast, by John W. Slaton, 
a well-known radical of Pittsburgh. One of the pictures in this masterpiece 
portrayed a child taking food from a garbage can besides a dog belonging 
to some rich person, and was entitled “To be seen in any great city—it 
costs $10 a day to feed this dog.” The advertising matter concerning this 
picture proclaimed: 


“The girl in this picture will be seen coming around a street corner, 
seeking something to eat from a garbage can, acting as though she feared 
detection. Then a maid will be seen carefully leading this pedigreed dog 
into an elegantly furnished dining-room to partake of a tempting chicken 
dinner, but already surfeited he declines to eat.” 

Cannon harped on his desire to present “the truth” to the public through 
the medium of these pictures, and The Contrast may be cited as an example 
of his idea of the truth. It was also advertised that the following suggestive 
questions would be shown on the screen in connection with this picture: 


“There were no labor unions in Egypt during many centuries. Why 
did that nation lose her civilization two thousand years ago?” 

“There have been no strikes in China for six thousand years. Does 
that account for her long death-like sleep and submerged millions?” 

“In view of these facts, what would happen in America if the labor 
movement would be crushed?” 

“If it is dangerous, therefore wrong, for labor to organize and strike, 
is it not equally wrong for capital to organize and raise prices hii 

“If wage workers should not organize solidly, why should lawyers, 
doctors, business men and ministers organize?” 


[147] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


Another graphic bit of screen advertising shown during the progress 
of the picture reads: 


“The next scene will be thought-compelling. It will show a worker’s 
dining-room table with empty dishes. The wife enters from kitchen, babe 
in arms, little girl clinging to mother’s skirts, and she will say: ‘Mamma, 
! am hungry.’ The mother will bid them all to sit at the table and wait for 
papa, with whose coming she expects food. He enters, but is empty handed. 
When the mother sees this her head bows, tears start, the babe is pressed 
tightly to her breast. The father throws his coat aside, looks at the empty 
table and hungry family, reads the splendid extract from the Declaration 
of Independence, folds his arms and shakes his head.” 


The American Federation of Labor made a report on Cannon in 1921 
im which it was pointed out that he had been a member of the Western 
Federation of Miners, and when he came East he was appointed organizer 
for the Metalliferous Miners of which Charles Moyer was the head. “Just 
previous to his arrival,” the report continued, “the late John Mitchell 
was having a series of conferences with the mine owners for the purpose 
of getting recognition for the organization. The mine owners had prac- 
tically agreed to recognition of the union when Cannon began making 
speeches advocating action along the lines of the Western Federation of 
Miners, with the result that the mine owners backed up on the Mitchell 
proposition and not only refused recognition, but decided to give any or- 
ganization that might be formed a fight. 


“In the territory of which Mr. Cannon was in charge, comprising the 
States of New York and New Jersey, there were more than 40,000 men en- 
gaged in this industry. He has been very active in all radical movements; 
has talked syndicalism and approved Sovietism. He has taken sides with 
secessionists against the legitimate trade union organization, and has been 
very close to Morris Hillquit and Sydney Hillman and groups of similar 
stripe. He is now selling stock for the Labor Film Service Company, an 
organization in which Hillquit is interested.” 


In one of his letters sent to labor unions throught the country Cannon 
stated that his company had secured another picture, The Jungle, based 
upon Upton Sinclair’s novel, which he said had been made five years before. 
“Tt was produced,” he wrote, “before the evil influence now so evident in 
the moving picture world got such a hold on industry. We are going to 
revise the picture and bring it up to date.” This process, it developed, 
was to make the scenes depicted by Sinclair appear to be true pictures of 
today. An attempt was made to publish a Labor Film Magazine in con- 
nection with this company, but the New York police authorities refused to 
grant it a permit. It was plainly evident that a part of the work proposed 
was to take moving pictures of any situation reflecting against the Govern- 
ment in its treatment of workers in the enforcement of law and order, and 
then display them at radical meetings for the purpose of inciting class feel- 
ing. Another of Cannon’s letters, this one addressed to a radical in Oak- 
land, Calif., contained the following informative paragraph: 


[148] 





THE STAGE AND THE MOVIES 


“Our enterprise bears the endorsement of such prominent leaders as 
Norman Thomas, Rabbi Judah L. Magnes, Scott Nearing, Louis Waldman, 
I. M. Sackin, etc. We also have endorsement of the Central Federated 
Union, United Hebrew Trades, Italian Chamber of Commerce and other 
labor organizations.” 


Robert C. Deming, director of the Connecticut Board of Education, 
came into possession of some literature of the Labor Film Service as far 
back as 1920, and in referring to it made use of the expression that “Lenin 
and Trotsky are not short of agents in this country.” It is also known that 
a motion picture producer, Guy Hedlund, of Hadlyme, Conn., had at that 
time been approached with an offer to go to Germany for the purpose of 
developing film publicity. This offer, it is understood, was refused, 
as it was evident that this propaganda was intended to aid the radicals. 


The film, The Contrast, was probably the most successful picture 
presented by this company. It was shown, sometimes publicly and at other 
times secretly, in practically every important city in the country. Its con- 
nection with the Moscow Communists was plainly demonstrated, although 
not for public information, at a meeting of the Chicago Federation of the 
Friends of Soviet Russia, a Communist branch organization, at No. 220 
West Oak Street, on March 2, 1922. At that time a representative of the 
Labor Film Company was present soliciting business for this film for use 
by the Friends of Soviet Russia. Moritz J. Loeb, of the Friends of Soviet 
Russia, took occasion to state that this body was not only a relief organiza- 
tion but its members were really friends of Soviet Russia and used their 
influence to promote the efforts of that regime to secure recognition. He 
said specifically that the real function of the Friends of Soviet Russia was 
to bring pressure on the capitalist governments, especially the United 
States, in order to force them to recognize Soviet Russia officially. 

Loeb, who was then secretary of the Chicago organization of the Friends 
of Soviet Russia, said that the film could be used for propaganda purposes 
and shown in regular motion picture houses, and that through this propa- 
ganda many sympathizers could be reached who would not be willing to 
sit through or even attend a lecture on the subject. The representative of 
the Labor Film Service assured those in attendance upon this meeting that 
the film had been made in a most radical manner, showing things that a 
speaker could not give utterance to on a public platform. 

The Cooperative League of America, the American branch of an in- 
ternational organization which has in its membership a number of Com- 
munists and radicals of other hues, officially indorsed the Labor Film 
Service and urged all persons interested in the cooperative or trade union 
movements to patronize it. It is interesting to note that labor union officials, 
Communists and “parlor bolshevists” were also interested in this organiza- 
tion. 

The Communists are never asleep on matters that can be turned to their 
advantage. When Orphans of the Storm, one of D. W. Griffith’s great 
plays, was produced, the Communists discovered that it might be utilized 


[149] 





REDS INSAMERIGA 








as excellent propaganda for their cause. Accordingly the word was sent 
out for all Communists to “press-agent the film as much as possible and 
this was done. This is not meant to reflect, even by inference, that Mr. 
Griffith was interested in aiding the Communists, but the Communists be- 
lieved that he was aiding them and appreciated it. 


The attitude of the Communists is best explained by indicating the 
“atmosphere” of the plot as shown by one of the captions. This read: 
“Danton, the Lincoln of the French Revolution!” The film was afterwards 
suppressed in France. 

The success, much of it under cover, of the Labor Film Service Com- 
pany, although after a year or more it proved a failure, resulted in other 
efforts to enter the radical film field. In California the Mission Pictures 
Corporation was organized and a Mrs. Clews, prominently identified with 
the Teachers’ Council movement in Los Angeles, approached a number of 
the wealthy radicals of that city and Pasadena asking support for this 
company, which had been recently formed, and the first picture of which 
was Science of God. This company at that time was preparing to start 
work on another radical picture to be called Robinson Crusoe, a Social 
Pioneer. 

Bruce Rogers, the notorious West Coast Communist, who was in South- 
ern California collecting funds for the Communist party of America and 
the Federated Press League, sold a film scenario to Lasky. The real author 
of this scenario, it is said, was in Alaska, but Rogers disposed of the picture 
and enjoyed the proceeds. 

In the Communist files are found mention of Charlie Chaplin, Will 
Rogers, Norma Talmadge, Lila Lee, Allan Hollabar, Charles Ray, Percival 
T. Gerson, Rob Wagner, Eric Von Stroheim, Joseph Schenck, William C. 
de Mille and others connected with the motion picture industry. Some 
of them are known to be in hearty sympathy with Communism and to be 
close friends of Communists, to whose cause they have contributed largely. 

When William Z. Foster, the salaried industrial director of the Com- 
munist Party of America, was in Los Angeles shortly before the party 
convention at Bridgman, Mich., which he attended as a delegate, he was 
the guest of honor at a reception given by Charlie Chaplin, the film comedian 
at which were present many radical members of the “movie” colony at 
Hollywood and a number of parlor bolsheviks. Among them were Will- 
iam C. de Mille and Rob Wagner. On this occasion Chaplin is said to 
have told Foster that neither he nor any of the stars associated with him 
had any use for Will Hays. “We are against any kind of censorship,” 
the comedian said, “particularly Presbyterian censorship.” 

At this reception the great importance of motion pictures with their 
educational and propagandist appeal for the cause of the labor movement 
and the Communist revolution was openly discussed and several instances 
were cited of the introduction of radical ideas into motion pictures and on 
the legitimate stage. Mrs. Kate Crane Gartz, a wealthy Pasadena society 
woman who has many friends among the radicals, told those present at the 
reception that she had recently been approached by a scenario writer 


[150] 


THE STAGE AND THE MOVIES 








named “Hocheimer,” and asked for a large sum of money to put radical 
Communist propaganda into scenarios “to do the greatest possible good 
to the cause.” Mrs. Gartz was one of those who gave letters of introduction 
to Charlie Chaplin appealing for funds to aid the strikers, to Comrade 
Plotkin, an organizer for the Garment Workers’ Union in the Fast, when he 
was sent by the Communists to agitate among the railroad strikers in 
Southern California. 

As an instance of radical propaganda finding its way onto the legiti- 
mate stage the Communists call attention to The Fool, which was tried out 
at the Majestic Theatre in Los Angeles, preparatory to placing it on Broad- 
way. Richard Bennett took the principle role: that of a minister of the 
Gospel who undertakes to settle a strike, forces the company to accept the 
strikers’ terms, resulting in the loss of millions to the company, and does 
a number of impossible things in defiance of the present social! system. 
The Fool is said to have traits of Jesus Christ as well as of Dostoevsky’s Idiot. 
Since Hauptmann’s Die Weber, the drama depicting the revolt of striking 
weavers in Silesia, it is said that no str onger radical labor propaganda has 
been produced for the stage. One of the most effective scenes in The Fool, 
it is reported, is one showing a Polish labor agitator in a fiery soapbox 
speech against the ten-hour day and for better working conditions and 
higher wages. 

Foster, who is one of the Trustees of the Garland Foundation, told 
Charlie Chaplin and Mrs. Gartz on his visit to Los Angeles, that the Gar- 
land fund could be depended upon to be used in aiding any of the radicals 
who got into trouble with the authorities. But Foster was especially pro- 
lific with promises to the effect that there would be many uses for the funds 
promised by the eccentric New England Harvard youth. Foster said the 
Federated Press was to get $100,000 and a number of Communist workers 
on the Coast were promised salaries. 

Bruce Rogers was the money-getter for the Communists, to whom 
Robert Morss Lovett, Harvard °92, as president of the Federated Press 
League, wrote urging him to see and collect money from William C. de 
Mille, Allan Hollabar, and Eric Von Stroheim whose pro-Germanism made 
him a prominent figure during the war; Dr. Percival T. Gerson, Will 
Rogers, Charles Ray and Charlie Chaplin. Lovett said in this letter, which 
was quoted in an earlier chapter, that he had written these men, that “they 
helped us before and will do it again,’ "and assured Rogers that “these men 
are with us.” It may be of interest to “movie fans” to know that William 
C. de Mille married a daughter of Henry George and has been very active 
in single-tax movements. 

It has been known for a long time that Charlie Chaplin has been inter- 
ested in radical movements and a heavy contributor to radical funds, much 
of which found its way into Communist channels. He and Lila Lee, a Fa- 
mous-Player star; and Raymond Griffith, playwright, motion picture pro- 
ducer and actor, were among the guests of Mrs. Gartz and Prince Hopkins 
at the now famous dinner given in honor of Upton Sinclair, when there was 
a gathering of radicals of every known hue, on April 5, 1922. Among the 


{151] 


REDS IN AMERICA 





speakers on this momentous occasion was the redoubtable Chaplin, who 
told with great gusto of his pride in having given District Attorney Wool- 
wine, of Los Angeles, what he called “‘a good lesson regarding the real 
meaning of syndicalist ideas.” Chaplin said that he had visited Woolwine 
in his office and discussed with him the subject of criminal syndicalism. 
He asked Woolwine to show him one of “those terrible, cut-thoat mur- 
derous I. W. W.’s, whereupon one of the I. W. W. prisoners was brought 
from the jail for his edification. Chaplin said that he and the district at- 
torney questioned the prisoner and ‘“‘were much impressed by the intelligence 
and enthusiasm of the clean cut young radical.” 

It was in August, 1922, that Charles Recht, the New York lawyer who 
defended Ludwig C. A. K. Martens and succeeded him as head of the Soviet 
Russian Government representation in this country, conducted negotiations 
as was stated earlier in this chapter, with Will Hays, as head of the motion 
picture industry in the United States, regarding the order Recht received 
from the Moscow Government to purchase films to cost $8,000,000. These 
films were to be made in the United States and to be entirely for propa- 
ganda purposes. They were to be anti-Christian, anti-capitalistic, and to 
show the great advantage of Communism over the present state of affairs 
in the rest of the world. 

Recht sailed for Europe early in September, 1922, with an appoint- 
ment to meet Norma Talmadge, the film star, and her husband Joseph 
Schenck, a motion picture producer, on Sept. 25, at the Hotel Breslin 
in Berlin whence they were to go to Moscow to conclude the negotiations 
for an extensive picture propaganda campaign. Schenck and his wife, it 
is understood, failed to get to Moscow because they could not get satis- 
factory guarantees for their personal safety. Will Hays may not have had 
the slightest idea of what Recht was deliberately aiming at during the ne- 
gotiations the two had and when the proposal was publicly exposed the 
deal fell through. 

The Friends of Soviet Russia undertook some time ago a nation-wide 
motion picture campaign to aid in obtaining American gold for the Soviet 
Government to handle under the guise of relief funds. These pictures 
were taken in Russia and were manifestly propaganda films. Censors in 
various parts of the country so cut the films, however, that they were at 
last reduced to nothing but lantern slides. Automobiles were furnished to 
take exhibitors of these slides from one city to another in order to get as 
extensive publicity for the propaganda as possible. 

Early in 1922 a number of prominent New York people allowed their 
names to be used as patrons and patronesses of a “Russian Fair and Cos- 
tume Ball,” given by the American Committee for Relief of Russian 
Children, under the impression that they were really lending aid to famine 
sufferers. They did not know that their efforts were being given to aid 
in the perpetuation, through the force of the Red ‘Army, of the present 
regime in Russia before any thought was given to the starving children. 
The names of some of the most prominent writers, artists and some society 
women misled by plausible appearances, were sandwiched in with the 


[152] 





THE STAGE AND THE MOVIES 


names of Scott Nearing, Charlie Chaplin and Constance and Norma Talmadge. 

In connection with the efforts to disseminate Communist propaganda 
by means of public amusement ‘should be mentioned renewed activity on 
the part of the Communists to capture the youth of the world for Com- 
munism. In a circular “about the session of the Bureau of the Communist 
Youth International,” marked “strictly confidential!” found in the mass 
of documents captured by the Michigan State authorities when they raided 
the illegal Communist convention at Bridgman, the Executive Committee of 
the Communist Youth International in Moscow gave specific instructions 
that the Communists of all the countries of the globe must make a special 
drive to get at the young children who are gathered in such organizations 
as the Catholic youth unions, the Y. M. C. A. organizations and the Boy 
Scouts. This document was in German. 


In passing, it should be mentioned that the Bridgman raid was the 
greatest blow sustained by the Communist party of America, and therefore 
by all radicals, in the history of the United States. The Michigan author- 
ilies caught. seventeen of these men actually conspiring ito overthrow the 
United States Government by force, found the records of every delegate to 
the convention, the financial statements of the party, “sucker lists’ of many 
cilies, written instructions to the Communists from the directing circle in 
Moscow of which Lenin and Trotsky are the active principals, and almost 
countless documents which prove the conspiracy and the guilt of every per- 
son in attendance. 

The document pertaining to capturing the youth of the ‘world for 
Communism confesses that these organizations of youngsters constitute the 
“sreatest obstacle to the development of Communist youth organizations, ’ 
and so should serve to keep loyal citizens of all countries firmly behind 
such bodies. In one part of this circular it says: 


“There are four big groups of such unions [referring to organiza- 
tions which ‘count big masses of young workers among their members’ and 
which must be combated ‘with great energy |: 


“1.—The Catholic youth unions (mainly in Latin countries and their 
colonies). ‘ 

“2.—The Protestant youth unions ( . . . in Central Europe and 
Scandinavia). 

ieee Young Men’s Christian Association (in the Anglo-Saxon coun- 
tries). 


*““4.—The Boy Scouts.” 


The full text of this circular, intended as a guide book, or hand-book 
to be used by those bent on debauching the youth of the world with 
Communism, runs to upwards of ten thousand words. With the strict con- 
fidence enjoined by the Communist organization issuing it broken by the 
officials bent upon the enforcement of the law, this document now constitutes 
a challenge to loyal parents and Americans of maturity to lend aid and 
support to every move that strengthens these organizations of youth whose 


[153] 





REDS IN AMERICA 





influence among young workers is so great that the world-wide Communist 
organization fears them and must outline a campaign of battle to alienate 
them from ideas of religion and ‘patriotism. 


[154] 


CHAPTER TEN 


ARMY, NAVY, AND THE GOVERNMENT 


In the conspiracy to overthrow the Government of the United States 
by “armed insurrection” the Communist party of America, coached specifi- 
cally by the Communist International of Moscow, aims first to undermine 
the military force of this country, including Army, Navy and ‘local police 
organizations. The handling of the local situations is left:to the Communists 
of the various cities, but the question of the Army and Navy is squarely 
before the national organization. The illegal Bridgman convention was ‘to 
have considered this feature of the Communist work, but as the conspira- 
tors were rudely interrupted by the Michigan authorities they did not get 
to this part of the convention program. However, certain documents found 
by the authorities after the raid show plainly what the plans were. 

It should be mentioned here that the celebrated Boston police strike, 
before the Communist party of America was organized, was a part of the 
Communist movement in this country. It was engineered by the Left Wing 
of the Socialists, which had seceded from the Socialist party and was 
awaiting the coming of organized Communism to the United States. These 
Left Wing Socialists, who later joined the Communist party, boasted of 
their success in precipitating the police strike and they were officially credited 
with this manifestation of their strength both at Moscow and by the Com- 
munist party of America, when the question of amalgamation came up. 
The incident has been cited more than once by the Communists as evidence 
of the ease with which the police can be handled when the great general 
strike comes which is to result in the overthrow of the Government. 

Two distinct lines of attack, based upon the success of the Communist 
organization in Russia when the Russian Government was overthrown, 
are being used in the Army and Navy of the United States. These lines 
of attack were dictated by the Moscow officials to be put in practice in 
the United States. The orders, issued from Moscow, are on record. They 
are subtle, as are all the methods of the Communists when subtlety is 
necessary, but the plans and the working out:of the program are known to 
the high officials in the Army and Navy departments of the Government. 

First, all ideas of pacifism are to be encouraged. This includes 
the use of civil organizations devoted to pacifism, disarmament, “no more 
war” days, and any movement which will tend to reduce the military forces 
in size and ability. In all such civil organizations the Communists are 
interested and in many of them they appear as members, sometimes under 
the disguise of reputable citizens, in others openly as revolutionary workers. 


[155] 


cs 


REDS IN AMERICA 








This is aided by propaganda, printed and circulated by word of mouth by 
Communists within the ranks of the Army and Navy, full of ‘references to 
the “horrors” and “cruelty” of war, with many citations, some real and 
others imaginary, of hardships suffered by soldiers. The life led by the 
officers is always pictured as one of ease and luxury, while the ranks are 
driven to a dog’s life by these officers, so falsely painted. 

The second method is more difficult and more subtle, involving :the 
enlistment of men in Army and Navy for the creation of nuclei of Com- 
munism. Great care is used in selecting the men for these important posts 
for the dissemination of disloyal and treasonous ideas and theories, for the 
work must be handled with the greatest finesse. The duty of these men is 
to make converts to the cause of Communism within the ranks of the soldiers 
and sailors, so that when the great occasion comes the men will revolt by 
companies, battalions and regiments, as they did in Russia. The ‘example 
of Russia is always cited as to what may be accomplished if the preliminary 
work is well done by the men to whom it has been entrusted. 


- The Secretaries of War and Navy, in the cabinet of the President of 
the United States, are aware of the efforts which are being made by the 
Communists to undermine the fighting forces of the nation and to make 
them either ready to turn their weapons on their officers or to disintegrate 
in the face of danger. Both of these tactics were employed by the Com- 
munists in destroying the Russian army and navy as weapons of :the Govern. 
ment, and with that experience in mind and always kept in the thoughts 
of whomever can be found to listen, the Communists are patiently :but 
persistently working within the forces of the United States. Secretary of 
War John W. Weeks, in 1922, after pointing out that army training has 


always been conducted with a view to “teaching loyalty, love of country 
and a spirit of sacrifice,” said: 


“The War Department has been aware that the Communist program has 
stressed the breeding of disloyalty among the Army and Navy personnel 
as well as among citizens at large. Though all opposition to the military 
establishment is not occasioned by such influences, undoubtedly many loyal 


Americans have lent their support to movements inspired by radical organ- 
yi 99 
izers. 


In view of the situation in the Near East at present, it is interesting 
to note that secret instructions were sent out early in 1922 by the Bureau of 
Western European Secretariat of Propaganda under instructions of the 
Third Communist International. The United States is subordinate to this 
western European bureau, and the instructions were received by the Com- 
munist party to be used here substituting the United States for England or 
France where the names of those countries were used. These secret in- 
structions were largely devoted to work .in the Army and Navy establish- 
ments of all “capitalist”? countries, because although Russia has a well- 
trained, well-equipped, well-clothed and well-fed: Red Army of approximately 
a million men, the Communist parties of other countries “possess but a 
trilii<g tumber of weapons,” so-read the instructions, and “one must come 


[156] 





ARMY, NAVY AND THE GOVERNMENT 





to the conclusion that the military organization of the Communist Inter- 
national lacks the forces which it could lead to a decisive battle with 
capitalism, without which, of course, it is impossible to obtain a victory 
over capital, and the World-Wide Soviet Republic.” The secret instructions 
continue: 


“Such a condition of affairs has long since prompted :the necessity 
of devoting attention to the army and navy of the capitalistic States, and 
by increased and intense work utilizing the experience of ‘the de-composi- 
tion of the Russian White Guard Army, to attain such a condition of 
affairs that in the ranks of the capitalistic armies there would be Red sec- 
tions which would de-compose the Army as a whole and turn their bayonets 
against the capitalistic class. This was considered by both the Second and 
Third Congress of the Communist International in compiling the thesis on 
propaganda and work, but unfortunately the work in this respect gave abso- 
lutely no results. This must not stop the active Communist forces from con- 
tinuing the work commenced in this region. But, to the contrary, particu- 
larly now, the phantom of impending capitalistic wars is hovering before 
the world and the armies and navies of the capitalistic States, manned by 
compulsory, obligatory, or voluntary enlistment are almost entirely consist- 
ing of the most anti-militaristic youths inclined to adopt the Communistic 
idea. 

“The work and organization in this section must be placed at the 
head of all the future work of the Communist International and its mem- 
bers, and all its strength and means must be devoted to it. 


“The principal attention in the first place must be devoted to the 
personnel of the Navy, where the soil is particularly fertile for active 
Communist propaganda and work, particularly in the English and French 
navies. It is necessary to work Anderithe following general conditions: 


“1.—All sailors, by the manner and nature of their lives, are devoid 
of nationalist ideology, and they, as a matter of fact, are internationalists. 

““?.—The conditions of service of sailors on submarines, cruisers and 
in general on ships which make distant trips are extremely difficult; they 
enjoy very little rest, their maintenance is very unsatisfactory, and the 
service is very dangerous to life. 

“3.—The war did not bring to sailors the moral satisfaction and peace 
which they were expecting, but to the contrary, it is bringing on the coming 
monstrous war on the seas. 

“In the final summary one should not forget that sailors are least 
of all subject to subordination and are very much inclined to insub- 
ordination and disorders. In this respect the example of the Great 
October Revolution [Bolshevist] where an honorable part was played by 
the Kronstadt and Baltic Fleets, and the German Revolution, where the 
principal participants were sailors, are convincing facts. On the basis 
of all this the Bureau and the Russian branches of the Communist parties 
must strive to create in all the principal ports special nuclei of organizers 
and agitators who must strive with all their efforts to get into contact with 


[157] 


REDS IN AMERICA 











the personnel of naval vessels, to organize among them nuclei with their 
own people in them, and to distribute energetically special literature. The 
nuclei on the ships must maintain a permanent contact in accordance 
with the movements of the ships with the port organizations of the Com- 
munist party and the latter must regularly maintain the contact among 
themselves and inform one another of the movement of ships, countersigns 
and conditions of entry. The port nuclei must not limit themselves to the 
establishment of contact and the transmittal of literature, but must strive 
also to the bringing together of the crews of ships and the proletarian 
population of the ports and to the generalizing of their ideology, remember- 
ing always that the fishermen principally are the source for the supplying 
of the personnel of the fleet and that their influence can reflect very much 
on the attitude of the sailors now and particularly during possible mobiliza- 
tions. Simultaneously the work already commenced in the occupied terri- 
tory (on the Rhine, Upper Silesia and Constantinople) among the terri- 
torial armies of the Entente must continue to grow and to spread into the 
detachments already in England, France, etc., proper. 

‘At the present moment it must bear in mind the youths which are 
entering the Army on the latest drafts, among whom there is a particularly 
favorable soil for Communist agitation and the propaganda of pacifist 
ideas. In this respect it is necessary to give the French, German and English 
Communist parties full initiative in the sense of determining the tactics and 
program of agitation obligating them to conform their work to local con- 
ditions. With this it is necessary to point out that their agitators should 
strive to utilize as offen as possible the thousand and one little details of 
the daily life of the soldier in order to undermine his obedience to the 
officers, the bourgeois discipline and his duties in defending the bourgeois 
peace. Along with this there must be conducted on a broad scale an in- 
creased propaganda of pacifist ideas, ideas of disarmament and to prove 
that it is only for their own benefit that the capitalists and bourgeoisie 
create big armies and are preparing for their own game new conflicts of 
peoples when they wish to live in peace. 

“The general slogan: Only if the proletariat be master in every country 
will the cause for new conflicts disappear.” 

This secret document was signed by Zinoviev, chairman of the Central 
Committee of the Third International; Katayama, the Japanese Communist 
who was in charge of the propaganda section in Moscow; and Arngold, 
the secretary. It was dated in Moscow in December, 1921, and the official 
copy reached the United States by courier early in 1922. The Communist 
party of America, obedient to the “iron discipline” of the Third Interna- 
tional of Moscow, became active along the lines laid out in the secret instruc- 
tions. The results were soon apparent to the officers of the Army and Navy 
and in course of time the higher officers of both military establishments 
recognized the symptoms. Then it was that Secretary Weeks made the state- 
ment quoted above, and Secretary of the Navy Denby issued the following 
orders to the entire service: 

“]. My attention has been called to the fact that there ts a sinister 


[158] 


ARMY, NAVY AND THE GOVERNMENT 














propaganda by societies having their origin in foreign countries to under- 
mine the morale of the Navy and to insinuate into its personnel elements 
ot disloyalty and disorder. 

“2. I have the most profound confidence in the loyalty and devotion 
of commissioned and enlisted men of the United States naval forces. I 
have no fear that men in any considerable number may at any time, any- 
where, be seduced from their allegiance to their country’s flag. It is not, 
therefore, through any thought or suggestion that the United States Navy 
is in the slightest danger from this propaganda that I issue this warning. 


“3. I fear only that some few of our men may be induced innocently 
at first, when on shore, to join societies having for their purpose the ad- 
vancement of ideas contrary to our form of government, or which may re- 
sult in lawlessness. There are, of course, in a personnel as large as that 
of the Navy, some discontented men, and in the hearts of discontented men 
false doctrines find ready acceptance. 

“4. I am trying by this warning to save a few individuals who might 
otherwise afhiliate themselves with societies teaching those things which 
cannot be tolerated in an organization sworn to uphold the constitution 
of the United States and to obey all lawful orders. Should there be any 
such men in the Navy today, it is almost certain that if they do not disen- 
tangle themselves from affiliation with such organizations, they will ulti- 
mately be detected. 

“5. I am trying to lessen the number of prisoners in naval prisons. 
I could not hope to show leniency, however, to any man who, in combination, 
or alone, in violation of his oath, committed acts of disloyalty to his 
country. 

“6. Because I have been one of you I know that all men have their 
periods of unhappiness—of imagined ill-treatment, homesickness and dis- 
content. Such periods come to civilians as well as to men in the naval 
service. They are a part of life. We must not let them lead us into such 
folly as desertion or resistance to lawful authority nor particularly into 
revolt by word or deed against a form of government that has proven in 
the main a government of liberty and justice. 

“7 The world is full of false thought today. I would save that ser- 
vice of which our country is so proud, and of which I happen to be at the 
moment the head, from the hurtful influence of improper theories of govern- 
ment, or false dreams of a better State to be created by anarchy and violence. 
I would go far to save any one man from the consequences of misdeeds, 
whether such consequences take the form of physical punishment or only 
of the deep remorse which must ever follow him through life. So I appeal 
to the officers and men of the service to be ever in alert in guarding them- 
selves ashore and afloat from the preaching of sovietism, communism and 
anarchy 


(Signed) “Edwin Denby 


“Secretary of the Navy.” 


[159] 


REDS IN AMERICA 





It was only three months after the secret instructions from Moscow 
quoted above arrived in the United States, brought by Dr. Leo S. Reichel, 
member of the Communist party and of the Central Bureau of the Society 
for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia, and therefore a courier to be trusted 
with so important a document, that Secretary Denby found it necessary to 
issue his warning, and Secretary Weeks to issue his statement regarding 
radicalism in the Army. It is easy to read between the lines that these in- 
structions had been put into action promptly by the Communists and that 
the effect had already been felt in the Navy. Loyal Navy officials have been 
particularly watchful since the captain of an American ship in Pacific 
waters adopted the Soviet idea of permitting the crew to decide what port 
to make for a holiday ashore. That occurred but a few years ago and the 
captain was quickly relieved of his responsibilities at that post. 

Military authorities are loath to speak of sudden dismissals from the 
service in recent months of men who were acting as Communist agents in 
the ranks of the Army and Navy. It was thought best to dismiss them with- 
out “making a noise about it” instead of court-martialing the men and sen- 
tencing them to prison which would be furnishing material for the Com- 
munists in stirring up other soldiers and sailors to resentment and rebellion. 

By skilfully used propaganda and personal intercourse the Communists 
succeeded in planting the seeds of Communism in the minds of many of the 
American soldiers who saw service in Russia during the war and after the 
armistice on the German frontier and in Germany. Officers were shocked 
at the Communistic ideas inoculated in the minds of troops who had served 
in such organizations on their return to the United States. It is not believed 
possible that all such seeds have been exterminated, but much has been done 
toward wiping out the evil in both branches of the military establishment. 
All of which has made the Communists more determined to push their work 
with greater vigor. 

Whenever police or soldiers are called out on strike duty the Com- 
munists become very active in trying to alienate them from their duty. Clever 
talkers are sent into the strike district to talk with soldiers and police when- 
ever possible; “under cover” men they are sometimes called, for they do 
not let it be known that they are connected with the Communist party or 
any radical movement. They present their arguments, skilfully prepared, 
solely with the view of making the soldiers forget their duty or sympathize 
with the law violators to such an extent that they will be remiss in their 
duty, and thus morale is undermined. These carefully selected men 
never appear among the strikers, never address strike meetings, and to all 
appearances they are not particularly interested in the strike except from 
a humanitarian point of view. 

Another group of Communist workers are also on duty at all strikes 
where soldiers are sent to keep the peace. This second group devotes itself 
to keeping the strikers agitated by speech and circulars and posters distrib- 
uted among the strikers. They address secret or open meetings of the 
strikers, urging them to stand firm in their hostility toward the employers 
and in general adding fuel to the fire by class hatred. A third group de 


[160] 


, oy 


a @ 
so Calag 
i. ae 
ae 


; 


= . 
} ion ne : 


ty 





Stop Riot and Murder! 


! 
Workers, men and women! 


i issue. 
: on a very serious is 
L- (3) 
ist Party speal- X 
The Communis 


=e to demand 
y 
Our party has arran~ 


Mint 
the immediate withd a2 ; h 
is starving the rm aes e 
ishm- > 
establis De 
i - 25 
d 4 S 






a BP ulsa 
ee? mags” the is } Cr 
muy ISUCa fap a 
kno - T the he] on 1S 1M You | 
entire Wo4 4°88 Neo, 
dregs.) °'€ are World, % 
Surroe ied mob one “IVid eng g : 
‘A homes, "4d the n, TO qusimess nen wh ‘ 
ob thous,’ Gest ‘Ving on Guarter jn ul 
6 ‘ z overt Negro ker block Eh! 
maw i) "Tyee and Younding ruthlessyy slay "Ing: p- ae Te ft, ines, 
2re j y Mora Ving ‘less ; : 
Ae Ses—thay ce nIY One Appeal’, than 200, © Men, Wom c 
ae Op atthirse, 7S th PPeal to 0 tha ll sty 
grit ; OR GANT. “2Vital st of A ganized Or 
2! Wall) WEp ler ig 
ee ci gaet Ne j ‘ t an 
git wor re 9e 2 ain oe Ness Mobs by rep, 18a] 
AD ot is ‘Oo. ed f ies thei) s 
go Ae x as d Working co 
PEI it acne th re is 


SOLDIERS! SOLDIERS! 
ULI! 


and mine Strikers! 


They are fighting in order 
r families, They are useful 
ave produced millions of dollars’ worth 
of wealth for the war profiteers, Many of them fought on 

g ect some of that 
he same as 














disgorge some 2 
country, 








omen and chil¢ : Seay 
‘Remember this, the wo’ = ~ 

Soon you may be in ¢ 
to be crushed by armed 


Perhaps, even now, 
your fathe~ ar your br 
Would you Ant them 
existence? 


It is not treaso 
workers! 





Central 








ommunist 
: 3 of thea Con t 
= ‘ommittee ate ‘ing ou 
the Central aah. Ae tae kind BIWa NS aes of 
Leaflets distributed Hen teatec or CON SES an appeal i ate 
Ly 2ot “America. vere ae occasion. In the ce strike in Pennsylv: 
IATTY ES Pe @17} = “a _ > COE N 
einer eine eens Sen eae during (he « 
: ilitia on guard o 
the militia o 


ARMY, NAVY AND THE GOVERNMENT 











votes itself entirely to the soldiers, placing in their hands appeals printed 
by the Communists urging them not to oppose the strikers. One such ap- 
peal reads: 


“SOLDIERS! SOLDIERS! 
“Do not shoot your brothers, the railway and mine workers! 


“They are not your enemies! Today they are fighting in order to ob. 
tain a scrap of bread for their families. They are useful citizens; workers 
who have produced millions of dollars’ worth of wealth for the war profi- 
teers. Many of them fought on Flanders Field. They are now trying to 
collect some of that democracy and freedom they were promised, just the 
same as thousands of ex-service men are fighting for the bonus that war 
profiteers are opposing because it would compe! them to disgorge some of 
the loot stolen from the workers of this country. 


“Soldiers! Whether you are in the United States Army or the militias 
of the various States, do not shoot at the strikers! You did not enlist to 
engage in the infamous occupation of strike-breakers and scab herders. 
Refuse to do it! Do not help the profiteers take the last crumb from the 


mouths of the helpless women and children of the working class. 
“Remember this, the workers are never your enemies! 


“Soon you may be in their ranks and you would not want to be crushed 
by armed force! 

“Perhaps even now, in some other part of the country, your father or 
your brother may be in the ranks of the strikers! Would you want them 
to be murdered because they ask a mere existence? 

“Tt is not treason to refuse to become an assassin of the workers! 

“Central Executive Committee of the Communist party of America, 


“J. Davis, ‘ 
“Executive Secretary. 


In Truth, a communist paper, of August 4, 1922, is found an article 
written with the approval of the Central Committee of the Communist 
party of America, devoted to the need of constantly stirring up trouble 
and in efforts to make everyone dissatisfied with the existing state of 
affairs. In this article appears the following sentence: “In soldiers’ organ- 
izations the bonus issue may be injected to alienate them from the Govern- 
ment”. While the bonus question was before Congress the Communists 
prepared to use the bonus issue for its own ends, whichever way the 
question was decided. If it were passed by Congress the Communists were 
prepared to launch an attack on the granting of a bonus on the grounds 
that it was a move by capitalism to add more taxes to the poor working man; 
if defeated it was to be used to show that capitalism was refusing the 
soldier “his just reward.” 

In another Communist paper is an editorial declaring that the deser- 
tions from the United States Army were at the rate of “one every forty 
minutes.” This editorial says: “The deserters are to be congratulated. 
It would have been better still if they had shown the same intelligence 


{161} 


—_———__--—_ SO Om —TF!PeooePeMo-'—_ -——r—r—r——w——— ee ee 


REDS IN AMERICA 








before they ever entered the army, but perhaps it is just as well that they 
learned their lesson by bitter experience. They know now what jackasses 
they were. They will not be caught in the trap again.” 

Among former soldiers, men who served in the Army during the Euro- 
pean War and have since been demobilized, the Communists are working 
hard, with many agents. The American Legion as a whole has loyally with- 
stood the efforts to win them over to the cause of Communism, and the 
organization is unalterably aligned against them. But it is true that 
secretly the Communists have many representatives in the ranks of this 
loyal organization and the fight will have to be kept up continually to 
prevent increases. Knowing that this fight is well-nigh hopeless the 
Communists have devoted their attention more particularly to the World War 
Veterans, an organization which is Communistic in principles and which 
is openly supported by the Communist party. Indeed, among the docu- 
ments seized at Bridgman were official reports of the World War Veterans 
which showed a close working arrangement between the two bodies. It is 
generally accepted that the World War Veterans is one of the “legal” 
expressions of the Communist party. 

The Soldier-Worker, of Butte, Montana, official organ of the World 
War Veterans of Montana, is as Communistic as the official organs of the 
Communist party of America and boasts of its connection with Communist 
movements. It prints with pride a letter of commendation from the Sec- 
retary of the “International of Former Combatants,” in France. It sup- 
ports all amnesty and pacifist movements, attacks capital in every issue, 
and is a part of a national group of similar papers backing the World War 
Veterans and the Workers’ party of America preaching the same doctrine. 
As an example of the kind of information conveyed in these papers, to the 
exclusion of news of opposite character, three short items from a single 
issue are presented herewith: 

“A report from Helsingfors stated the French battleship Curacao 
which was the flagship of the English Baltic Fleet, with a base at Helsing- 
fors, has returned home, after a minor explosion which produced some 
damage. Our correspondent, however, learns that there is a report in 
Finnish military circles to the effect that the Cause for sending the Curacao 
home was not an explosion but a mutiny among the crew on board, who 
refused to operate against the fleet of the Russian Workers’ Republic of 
Kronstadt. As the mutiny threatened to spread to other ships, the battleship 
was sent home.” 

“Reports from Tilsit are that the crew of the French squadron at 
Libau raised the Red flag. The crews of the warships demanded of their 
officers to be returned to France immediately. The French vessels were 
immediately sent home and an English squadron steamed in to occupy their 
positions at the port of Libau.” 

“According to a Soviet wireless message, mentioned in Avanti of May 
4, General d’Anselme admitted in a conversation with representatives of 
the Odessa Soviet that the Bolshevik propaganda had ‘demoralized’ 60 per 
cent of his soldiers.” 


[162] 


ARMY, NAVY AND THE GOVERNMENT 





Not content with using every possible effort to demoralize the Army 
and Navy of the United States, the Communists have been recruiting for a 
Red Army of America. Regular recruiting officers are sent out with litera- 
ture, enlistment blanks and programs for the purpose of enrolling men to 
fight in the Red army in this country. This work, naturally, has to be kept 
entirely secret, and because of that fact practically nothing has been 
printed or known publicly of this part of the movement. It is impossible 
to say how far this illegal movement has gone. But it is known that the 
Communists have discussed a certain location in an Eastern State as a 
suitable site for the gathering and hiding of arms and ammunition to 
have ready when the time comes for the armed insurrection. 

While the American troops were occupying portions of Germany after 
the armistice they were flooded with propaganda from Communist parties 
of Europe ifttended to incite them to insurrection and to plant the seed 
of Communism to be brought back to the Army in the United States. One 
such bit of propaganda, which was furnished by a former soldier, who 
brought it back with him from Europe, signed by the “Communist party of 
Germany,” reads as follows: . 

“American soldiers, do you know why you are here? 

“Thousands of miles across the sea are your homes, your friends, 
your job and your future life. Your family is waiting for your return, 
your mother or your wife, or maybe your sweetheart is anxiously waiting to 
become your wife. 

“Why can’t you go back now? 

“Why did you come here, in the first place? 

“Your motive was an honest one,.an honorable one. You came to 
Europe to risk your life for democracy, to destroy the beast of militarism, 
and make the world a better place to live in. You fought bravely and you 
won. Perhaps the German working people could not have made their 
revolution and thrown off the Kaiser if you had not delivered such deadly 
blows at the Kaiser’s military machine. You never had anything against 
the German people—only against the military clique. We know that and 
appreciate it. : 

“You have accomplished your object. Now you are lying about camp 
and waiting. You want to go home. 

“You are not here to help us complete our revolution, but to prevent 
it. Your Government and all of the Allied governments are supporting 
the same scoundrels who helped the Kaiser throughout the war—the Ebert- 
Scheidemann Government. The real German revolutionists, the working 
class, are fighting against the Ebert-Scheidemann Government, because the 
Ebert-Scheidemann Government helped the Kaiser and will always fight 
against the right. 

“Yet your Government is recognizing them and dealing with them, and 
doing everything it can against the real German revolutionists, the Sparta- 
cus people, as they are called, who have always fought against the Kaiser 
and have rotted in the Kaiser’s prisons and been shot by the Kaiser’s firing 
squads during the war. 


[163] 


REDS IN AMERICA 








“Your officers won’t let you talk to the people around you for fear 
that you may learn the facts about the revolution. 

“They make you drill five to six hours a day for fear that if you 
have time to think you may figure out for yourself why you are here. 
“You are being kept in Europe to prevent the rule of the ei 
people. “4 
~ “You know that the working people always get the bad end ag it 
from the capitalists. Some of the American boys who have been demobs 
ilized have gone back home to ask for their jobs again. The bosses are 
welcoming the men as ‘heroes’ and then giving them back their old jobs— 
but paying them starvation wages, around a dollar and a half a day. 
The longer they keep you here, the better able they will be to cheat you out 
of a ace or cheat you on low pay when you get back. 

“You came to Europe for democracy, but you are being kept here 
for the big bankers of Wall Street and of Paris and London and Berlin. 
You are being kept here to prevent the German revolution from overthrow- 
ing the junkers and bankers who supported the Kaiser, and you may be 
kept here to shoot down French working-men who rebel for real liberty, 
and you may be sent to England to fight there some more years as strike- 
breakers against the English working-people who are now trying to get 
the liberty they fought so long and bravely for. Or, you may be sent to 
Ireland to shoot to death the new Irish Republic. 

“You came for democracy, but you are not being kept here for it.” 

As a part of the drive conducted by the Canna: party of America 
apainst the Army and Navy recruiting for the military establishments, the 
party circulated a letter said to have heen written by a prisoner in Atlanta 
penitentiary to Eugene V. Debs, after his release. The name of the writer 
is not given a and it is not known why he is in prison, although the circular 
says that “it is from a man who served a term of years in the Navy and has 
been rewarded for his patriotism by a long prison sentence.” The circular 
also states that “‘it is a fine bourgeois reformation they get at this walled-in- 
inferno.’ After quoting the letter in full the circular adds two paragraphs 
intended to check enlistments. They read: 


“This man who served the best years of his life in the United States 
Navy and is now in Be enitentiary warns young men not to be deceived by 
the fraudulent and alluring advertisements ane on city billboards and 
to steer clear of the Navy if they do not wish to enter deliberately upon a 
period of slavery under tyrannical rules after having signed away their 
rights as citizens, including the right to make a complaint. 

“The warning voice of the imprisoned marine whose eyes are now 
opened and who woud career young men from sharing in his lamen- 
table experience is well worthy of serious consideration.” 

The letter from the prisoner, which it is boasted was smuggled illegally 
out of the prison, is full of the complaints frequently heard in Army posts 
and among enlisted men in the Navy who have been punished for infrac- 
tions of regulations. It recites punishments for offences which are known 
to everyone who knows anything about military discipline and the necessity 


[164] 


a ee 


ARMY, NAVY AND THE GOVERNMENT 


for it. It contains no charge-of anything except what is caused by chafing 
under discipline and resentment at punishment for violating the rules. One 
paragraph, however, says: 


“The struggle of the oppressed will be won in time and then your 
name shall be a household word to the new generation.” 


The Communists have planted their agents in Government circles, in 
departments in Washington, in bureaus in other cities, with the intention 
of organizing nuclei of Communism wherever possible and of securing 
information as to what the Government is doing. One of the pledges ex- 
acted of Communists, in accordance with regulations adopted by the party 
in convention, is that no Communist shall accept a Government position 
“except under Civil Service.” At first it was ruled that no Communist 
should work for the Government in any capacity under any circumstances, 
but this was modified when the leaders sought to obtain information of 
Government activities from loyal employees. The safeguard of Civil Service 
regulations, they believe, will protect Communists in Government employ 
because if any attempt is made to dismiss them they can raise the cry of 
“free speech” and have sufficient fanatical support in Congress to save them 
their jobs. 

It is safe to say that not a department in Washington is entirely free 
from Communists. These men have been “planted” deliberately and spread- 
ing of propaganda is a part of their duty to the Communist party. In some 
of the departments there have been several known Communists at various 
times who were protected by their superiors in their positions. The most 
notorious example of high Government officials protecting radicals and en- 
couragine them by word and deed was when Louis F. Post was Assistant 
Secretary of Labor. Post’s radical activities won strong approval from 
the Communist party officially. 

The Communist idea of government and the theory upon which the 
Communists demand the destruction of the Government of the United States, 
is brought out in the thesis on the Relations of Number One and Number 
Two (the illegal and legal branches of the Communist party) adopted at 
the convention at Bridgman before it was raided by the Michigan author- 
ities. This thesis, which when adopted becomes a part of the regulations 
of the party, and which was adopted just before the raid, reads like a 
textbook, as follows: 


“1. Government is force organized by one class to keep another in 
subjection. When the subject class becomes conscious of the oppression 
under which it labors it organizes to overthrow the class in power. This 
struggle, of necessity, develops into a struggle of force against force—of 
the armed force of the oppressed class against the armed force of the class 
in power—the Government. 

“2. This being an accepted phenomenon based on historical fact, it 
is the task of the Communists to prepare and organize the working class 
for this struggle against the master ciass, the capitalists, and against their 
organized Army force, the Government. 


[165] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


RAR a Dr a ata TS TTT 


“3 The great mass of the working class can be consciously organized 
for this task. Weighed with the burden of false education, prejudice and 
terrorism of the master class and the Government, they cannot be formed 
into organizations, consciously under the control of the Communists. 

“4 Tt is the function of the Communists therefore, as a most con- 
scious, militant, revolutionary section of the working class, to organize 
themselves into a party and by means of this party prepare the rest of the 
working class for the struggle against the capitalist system and the Govern- 
ment. 

“5. The nature of the struggle—the overthrow of one class by an- 
other—makes it impossible, as history has shown, for a party with this 
program to carry on its most essential work in the open. The conflict 
with the Government is so open and so frequent that the revolutionary or- 
ganization working openly would be disrupted and ground to pieces by the 
superior force of the State. The Communists, therefore, are compelled to 
function as an underground party—the Communist party. 

“6. Work in the underground limits activities, is very cumbersome 
and does not suffice for the overthrow of the capitalist system. The Com- 
munist party is obliged to penetrate all existing working class and semi- 
working class organizations to reach the masses, using these organizations 
as tools and auxiliaries of the Communist party. One of these organs is 
the open political party, consisting of revolutionary workers, not all of 
whom are real Communists. The program of this party, by its very nature, 
ig restricted, in that it must adapt itself to the laws of the country. 

“7, This labor party can by no means replace the real Communist 
party. On the contrary, the underground party must be built ever stronger 
and firmer. It must guide and control the Labor party, through the in- 
fluence of its membership, through its official organs and all other means of 
propaganda at its disposal. 

“8. To perform its function as the directing and controlling body 
the Communist party must be made up of only the best, the most advanced, 
the most trusted, tried and intelligent section of the working class. It must 
exercise a rigid discipline, removing from its ranks all who merely com- 
prehend the principles of Communism but fail to carry on the work of the 
party. Not understanding alone, but activity, willingness to sacrifice and 
to do every kind of dangerous work must determine membership in the 
Communist party. 

“9. The tasks of the Communist party and all the organizations that 
it creates must be clearly defined, in order that all may serve their purpose 
without conflict and waste or duplication of effort. The specific functions 
of each party may vary at different stages of the development of the class 
struggle. At the present preparatory period undoubtedly a large part of 
the work can be cone in many parts of the country openly, leaving for the 
underground party functions which, though limited in quantity nevertheless 
are of extreme importance, without which no real Communist movement 
can be conceived of. 


“10. The main task of the Communist party is to organize unre- 


1166] 


ARMY, NAVY AND THE GOVERNMENT 





stricted Communist education and propaganda, thus insuring that the full 
Communist message is made clear at all times. The Communist party 
must carry on all such work as cannot be done openly; it must build and 
support the Labor party and other. open organizations and direct their 
activities. 

“11. The Communist party must at least once a month issue its 
organs, dealing theoretically and analytically with all the problems of the 
class struggle and of the party. It shall give direction to and formulate the 
slogans for the work of all its open organizations. The attitude of the 
Communist party to its open organizations and especially the Labor party 
shall be a favorable and encouraging one. It must, however, always point 
out the deficiencies in the activities of the Labor party. The Communist 
party shall devise ways and means of reaching the membership of the Labor 
party with its illegal organ in order to further their education. The Com- 
munist party must also issue all such literature as cannot be published 
legally 

“12. The Communist party must issue leaflets dealing with the 
struggles of the workers in a realistic manner, so that the masses will 
perceive that the Communist party understands the struggle, but it is 
unable to work openly because of the nature of its organization. 

“13. The Communist party must constantly make recruits to its 
ranks from the membership of the Labor party, labor unions and _ other 
working class organizations. It is one of the main tasks of the Communist 
party to develop and strengthen its organization. 

“14. The groups of the Communist party must meet regularly at 
least once a month. | 

“15. The Communist party is the section of the Communist Inter- 
national in this country and is the only body capable of stating the official 
position of the Communist International. 

“16. The task of the Labor party is to participate directly in the every- 
day struggles of the workers, endeavoring to develop the struggles for imme- 
diate needs into revolutionary mass struggles. It must conduct open propa- 
ganda and education, participate in the elections, issue papers and leaflets on 
the basis of immediate demands, bringing the masses more and more to 
the Communist position. As far as possible all editors of the Labor party 
organs must be members of the Communist party. 

“17. Through the Labor party membership the Communist party per- 
meates all existing working class organizations acting as nuclei within the 
organization. In the labor unions the Labor party must form a left wing 
acting as nucleus and taking the leadership in it. 

“18. The Communist party shall endeavor to establish the same dis- 
cipline, wage scale and regulations for all officials of the Labor party 
and its open organizations as prevail in the Communist party. It must 
always be remembered that the real revolutionary party—the American 
section of the Communist International—is the Communist party of America, 
end that the Labor party is but an instrument which it uses the better 
to carry out the work among the masses. Only through membership in 


[167] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


— ape a re ent nian daemon eeD 








the American section of the Communist International—the Communist 
party of America—can the American workers become members of the 
Communist International. ; 


“19. As organs of the Communist party the Labor party and other 
open organizations must be under its direction and control. The discipline 
of the Cornenniat party is supreme for Communist party members. The 
convention of the Communist party must be held prior to the convention 
of the Labor party and determine all policies for the party and all its 
open organizations. It is the duty of the committees and of the member- 
ship to carry out these policies in the Labor party and all other organiza- 
tions. In order that the work of the Communist party and Labor party 
may be conducted properly and the Communist party at the same time 
be safeguarded from the clutches of the Government, the Executive Com- 
mittee elected at the convention of the Communist party shall divide into 
two parts, the major part becoming the Number One Department and devot- 
ing itself to the carrying out in the Communist party of the policies laid 
down by the convention and the Executive Committee, the minor part be- 
coming the Number Two Department and devoting itself to carrying out 
in the Labor party the policies laid down by the convention and the 
Executive Committee. 


“20. This policy of division of work shall be followed in all sub- 


ordinate committees of the Communist party. 


“21. The functions of organizers of the Communist party and Labor 
party being different, and the safety of the organization making it imper- 
ative, the organizers of the Communist party shall, as a rule, not be 
the organizers of the Labor party. 


“22. The Communists must seek to control all committees in the Labor 
party. By better understanding of principles and more active participation 
in the Labor work, they must win over the membership of the Labor party 
to the real Communist position. 

23. Members of the Communist party must work as a nucleus in 
the Labor party. Although all the policies are laid down in the Communist 
party, the activities of the Communists in the Labor party evolving out 
of these policies must be left to the understanding, better organization and 
seneralship of the members of the Communist party. 

“24. Communist party members act as a caucus in the Labor party 
nuclei in the labor unions. Decisions on all ioperent matters must be 
made in caucus meetings. 

“25. As the situation becomes more Nee mlaOrary. the Labor party, 
gaining the support of the masses, will become more revolutionary in form, 
character and activity. In such a situation, the Labor party shall formally 
amalgamate with the Communist party and assume its name. 

“26. The underground Communist party, remaining as an organization 
within the open party, must continue to be the directing and controlling 
body. It remains intact and must continually be strengthened. There must be 
a periodical purging of its ranks and the discipline made more rigid. New 


[168] 


“Se 


ARMY, NAVY AND THE GOVERNMENT 











blood from the open party and other open organizations must be introduced 
into the underground organizations. 

“27. Even though the Communist party shall have come above ground 
and act as the section of the Communist International, the underground 
organization remains as the directing organ of the open Communist party. 
All important policies must first be taken up by the underground organiza- 
tion and its decisions put through in the open party. The underground 
must continually be reinforced, since even when fighting in the open, the 
activities of the open party will depend on the vigor, understanding, 
strategy and generalship of the underground organization. The open party 
being a mass party cannot have the discipline and understanding of an 
underground organization and will respond to calls to action only in 
proportion as the underground membership is disciplined and exerts in- 
fluence. This status will continue up to and through the revolution and to 
the establishment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat.” 


The thesis on tactics adopted by the Third International sets forth, 
among other things, that: 


“The new international labor organization is established for the pur- 
pose of organizing united action of the world proletariat, aspiring toward 
the same goal: the overthrow of capitalism, the establishment of the Dic- 
tatorship of the Proletariat, and of an international Soviet republic, for 
the complete elimination of classes and the realization of Socialism, the 
first step toward the communist commonwealth.” 

Commenting on this, the Communist party of America has officially 
stated that: 


“This definition of the aims of the Communist International laid 
down in the statutes, distinctly defines all the questions of tactics to be 
solved. . . . The world revolution, i. e., the decay of capitalism and 
the concentration of the revolutionary energy of the proletariat, its organi- 
zation into aggressive, victorious power, will require a prolonged period 
of revolutionary struggle. . . . The Communists declared, while the 
the war was raging, that the period of imperialism was making for an 
epoch of social revolution, i. e., of a long series of civil wars in a number 
of capitalistic countries, and of wars between the capitalist states on one 
side and proletarian states and exploited colonial peoples on the other side.” 


Bearing these statements in mind, with particular emphasis on the 
plans of the Communist International, through the Communist party of 
America, it is interesting to read a statement in Truth, which speaks officially 
for the party, in its issue of August 4, 1922, where it says: 


“Mere talk, regardless of its eloquence or volume, will not expose 
the capitalists to the working class. The Communists must put forward 
concrete proposals. Tangible, immediate demands in line with the workers’ 
interest must be made on the Government. Our activity in Congress is sub- 
sidiary to and dependent upon the mass struggle on the outside. The 
hourgeoisie will do their best to kill all our propositions. They will refuse 


[169] 





REDS IN AMERICA 





even to consider the workers’ problems. This will materially aid us in 
exposing the capitalist. This will help us to give a political character to the 
whole struggle. . . . When we make these definite demands on 
Government, when we put forward our immediate legislative demands, 
we do so not with the idea of solving the insolvable—the contradictions of 
capitalism—but in order io raily the masses around practical concrete plans 
of combat which will further draw them into the struggle against the state 
and expose its class character.” 


Karly in September, 1922, a delegation of the Communist party of 
America sailed for Europe and established itself, where it discussed with 
the Russian Communist leader plans for an intensive campaign among 
Congressmen of the United States for the immediate recognition of the 
Soviet Government of Russia by this country. One of the American Com- 
munist leaders stated that certain Senators are already in line for this 
drive and are all the time working toward securing such recognition. He 
said that these Senators are in constant communication with Communist 
leaders ‘here and directly with the Commissariat for Foreign Affairs in 
Moscow. He declared that the Moscow Government has determined to spend 
several millions of dollars on propaganda for recognition by the United 
States if it could be assured of success as a result of this expenditure. 

The general plan to be adopted, thus, was discussed in Moscow with 
American citizens sitting in the conference. These Americans have already 
announced to the Communists that they must devote their attention to certain 
people “during elections both National and State.” 

This delegation sailed in September, 1922. In the latter part of August 
of that year Communist representatives went to Washington and held con- 
fe,ences with members of the Congress of the United States. 


[170] 


CiLAPTER ELEVEN Phe ah 


THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL—-WOMEN'S CLUBS 


The now historic Bridgman raid,—the spectacular capture by the 
authorities of the State of Michigan of a group of Communists, with a 
mass of incriminating documents, who had met in the woods in annual secret, 
illegal convention to further the plans of the Communist party of America, 
under the direction of Lenin, Trotsky, et al., to overthrow by violence the 
Government of the United States and destroy the American concept of home 
and church,—had a galvanic effect upon the ring of arch-conspirators in 
Moscow. It was immediately suspected that someone, on one side or the other 
of the factional fight within the party, had been guilty of divulging 
secrets and revealing the fact of the illegal meeting to the authorities as a 
move to defeat the rival faction. This factional fight had been almost en- 
tirely settled before the Bridgman convention met and one of the reports at 
the convention dealt with this feature of the situation in the United States. 
Some delay in the carrying out of the destructive program of the party in 
this country had been caused by this division in the organization. 

Immediately upon receipt of information regarding the raid and the 
consequent breaking up of the convention before its work had been ac- 
complished, Moscow started a courier post haste to the United States bearing 
with him peremptory orders from the Executive Committee of the Com- 
munist International to both factions in the American party to unite at 
once. The minority faction was ordered to submit without further delay 
to the will of the majority; and the majority was ordered to admit the 
minority without prejudice. Both factions were reminded of the “iron 
discipline” clause in the regulations of conduct and membership in the 
Communist organization. Expulsion from the party and from the entire 
Communist movement was the penalty of any individual who refused to 
obey this command to unite. 

The courier by whom these orders were dispatched reached the United 
States late in September, 1922, and on October 1 representatives of the 
majority and minority factions were called into secret conference in New 
York to hear the orders from headquarters. There was nothing left to do, 
for expulsion from the Communist party and the world-wide organization 
left no place for such radicals to make their bed. They could not join the 
anarchists, socialists or any other radical organization, because of the bitter 
fight that had been made on all these bodies by the Communists. Certainly 
they could not become conservatives of any stripe. They were branded with 
Communism, and if this brand were erased it would leave a scar by which 
they could always be recognized as “‘traitors’” to Communism. And the 


[171] 





REDS ct NAM ERT A 





records of millions slain without trial, by arbitrary dicta, in Russia tell the 
whole tale of the “traitor” to Communism. 

This party division having been healed the organization immediately 
turned its united attention to the needs of those arrested at the Bridgman 
raid. Through the energetic efforts of the American Civil Liberties Union, 
whose radical activities have been noted in another chapter, some of the 
prisoners had been released on bond, but others still languished in the 
Michigan jail, awaiting trial. Money was most urgently needed to get 
these men out of jail, and to prepare for the defense of the Communists, 
when they came to trial. It was then reported that Frank P. Walsh, just 
returned from Moscow, was to be the chief attorney for the defense. The 
engagement of these men cost money, real money, and it is safe to say 
that they would not be satisfied with contingent fees. It was common report 
in Communist circles in New York that Walsh insisted upon a fee of 
$50,000 for his services; one fourth to be paid at once, one fourth before 
the trial opened and the remaining $25,000 before the first case went to 
the jury. 

Numerous conferences were held by the leaders of the Communists as 
to how these funds were to be raised. Moscow could be counted upon 
for certain amounts, but Moscow has been a bit wary of sending back 
to the United States much of the money it goes to such pains to collect 
here unless it is shown that it is absolutely necessary to make such expendi- 
iure. William Z. Foster, one of the delegates at Bridgman; Roger N. 
Baldwin, draft dodger, of the American Civil Liberties Union; Eugene V. 
Debs, now out of jail after being pardoned for his anti-American activities 
during the war; Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, the active woman radical, of the 
Workers’ Defense Union; and others were concerned in these conferences. 

For several weeks these conferences went on, committees were named 
in all parts of the country, and plans were matured for establishing all 
the connections possible to present a “united front” of “labor” in defending 
these men accused of conspiracy. One interesting phase was the way the 
American Federation of Labor was “hooked” in the plan. On Oct. 7, 1922, 
William Z. Foster was in New York, working on the plan of the Labor 
Defense Council. It was suggested to him by a fellow Communist that it 
would be possible to get the endorsement of from six to ten organizations 
which were members of the American Federation of Labor; these endorse- 
ments could be sent to other member organizations; and when a sufficient 
number had been obtained all the endorsements could be printed in circular 
form and sent broadcast until the entire Federation could be said to have 
joined in the Labor Defence Council. This plan was adopted and worked 
like a charm. 

The work of national organization was begun early in September 
while a number of the Bridgman prisoners were still in jail unable to secure 
the bonds necessary for their release. By this time it had been agreed that 
inasmuch as the Communist party of America, which is an illegal and under- 
ground organization, could not direct the fight to aid the Bridgman 
prisoners, the Workers’ Party of America, as a legal organization of the 


[172] 


i 
; 
b 
7 





veya 


Lh 


eat 





NATIONAL COMMITTEE 





sQCER N. BALDWIN, New York City 
NORMAN B. BARR, Chicago 
Director Oliver Institute 
DENNIS. E. BATT, Detroit 
Editor Detroit Labor News, O. O. 
Det, Fed. Labor 
EUGENE J. BROCK, 
Chairman Progressive Votera® 
League of Michigan 
J. G. BROWN, Chicago 
National Sec’y Farmer-Labor Party 
ROBERT M. BUCK, Chicago 
Editor New Majority, O. O, Chi- 
cago Fed. of Labor 
JOHN C. CLAY, Chicago 
Sec’'y Teamsters Local Union 714 
LENETTA M. COOPER, Chicago 
R. D, CRAMER, Minneapolis 
Editor of Min. Labor Review 
EUGENE V. DEBS, Terre Haute 
ELIZABETH GURLEY FLYNN, New York 
JOHN C, FLORA, Chicago 
JOHN HAYNES HOLMES, New York 
MAX S. HAYES, Cleveland 
FRANCIS FISHER KANE, Phliadelphia 
DR, JOHN A. LAPP, Chicago 
Director National Catholic Welfare 
Couacil 
MORITZ J. LOEB, Chicago 
FRANCES C. LILLIE, Chicago 
FATHER JOHN A. RYAN, Washington 
Director National Catholic Welfcre 
Council 
JOHN T. TAYLOR, Defroit 
HULET M. WELLS, Seattle 
GEORGE P. WEST, San Francisco 


LOCAL COMMITTEE 





H. BERLIN, 
Joint Board Dress and Waistmakere 
Union, I. L. G. W. U. 
ELIZABFTH GURLEY FLYNN, 
HENRY R. LINVILLE, 
WERMA BERMAN, 
National Defense Committee 
BROWNSTEIN, 
Joint Board Furriers Union 
BENJAMIN MANDEL, 
Teachers Union 
JULIUS LAZARD, 
Bakers Union Local No. 164 
LENA GOODMAN, 
Ladies Waistmakera Union Local 25 
S. E. BEARDSLEY, 
Organizer International Jewelry 
Workers Union Local 1 
M. WEINER, 
Local 62, 1. L. G. W. U. 
M. OBERMEIER, 
totel Workers Local of Amalg. 
Food Workers of America 
LEO HAUFFBAUER, 
Architect Ornamental Iron and 
Bronze Workers Union 
MORRIS EDELSTEIN, 
Fancy Leather Goods Workers Union 
N. De FRANK, 
United Auto., Aircraft and Vehicle 
Workers of A., Local 49 





CO-OPERATING WITH COMMITTEE 
OF THE DEFENDANTS 
EARL R, BROWDER, Chicago 
WILLIAM F, DUNNE, New York City 
WILLIAM FOSTER, Chicago 
(C. E. RUTHENBERG, Cleveland 





NATIONAL OFFICERS 
ROBERT M. BUCK, Chairman 
EUGENE V. DEBS, Vice-Chairman 
REV. JOHN A. RYAN, D.D., 

Vice-Chairman 
MORITZ J. LOEB, Secretary 
FRANCES C. LILLIE, Treasurer 
WILLIAM Z. FOSTER, 

Sec'y Defendant's Com. 


MEM 241 PRINTED ON UNION MADE PAPER 


LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL 


FRANK P. WALSH, Chief Counsel for the Defendants 





For the defense of the Michigan criminal syndicalist 
defendants prosecuted at the instance of the Federal 
Secret Service in its drive against organized labor. 


To carry on in connection with the legal defense a campaign against 
all infringement upon the right of free speech, free press and freedom 
of assemblage and all measures restricting the rights of the workers. 





ROOM 434 
80 EAST ELEVENTH STREET 


New York City 


National Secretary 
WituiaM Z, Foster 


Telephone STUYVESANT 6616 


Apr 
Dear Friend: Brit So Sea 

The press has brought you information of the progress 
of the trial of the first of the so-called Michigan cases 
at St. Joseph. Every day it is becoming clearer that 
the issue in this trial is the right of free speech and free 
assemblage in America, as well as such due processes of 
law, as constitute the just basis of any democratic society, 
Mr. Frank P. Walsh, attorney for the defense, has stated 
clearly that the provisions of the Criminal Syndicalist 
Acts, under which Foster and his associates have been 
brought to trial, violate the Constitution of the state 
of Michigan and the Constitution of the United States. 
Evidence for this contention is fast becoming abundant. 

A group of men and women met together peacefully to 
consider the business of their party organization, con- 
templating no acts of violence and cherishing no intent 
to promote or induce acts of violence, was itself treated 
with utmost violence by the officers of the law. If ever 
there was a trial involving persecution and tyrannv, it 
is this one. It comes as the last echo of the disgrace- 
ful mania of governmental terrorism, which was one of the 
plagues of the war. 

The defense of these men and women, now on trial, 
is an expensive one. Large sums of money must be raised 
to guarantee them justice. This money can come only 
from those who believe in the vindication of basic 
democratic rights in this country. We appeal to you to 
help us in this cause. Read the inclosed pamphlet giving 
the story of the case and then send your contribution 
in the inclosed envelope. 

Sincerely yours, 


Irdo Wireluouy I< Tint 





Ste, Mein Sante Moy Hatin Vines 


Jovi ofidl. — mamas ammnr(y 


BS&AU 12646 


MAKE CHECKS PAYABLE TO THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL 
Accounts audited by Stuart Chase, C. P. A. 











Circular letter sent out by the Labor Defense Council, organized to raise funds 


for the defense of the communists arrested at Bridgman, Mich. 
of John Nevin Sayre, Freda Kirchwey, 
Rev. Norman Thomas, 
Haynes Holmes appear at the bottom. 


Heaton Vorse, 


Facsimile signatures 
Roger Baldwin, Capt. Paxton Hibben, Mary 
Rev. Perey Stickney Grant and Rev. John 
The name of Father John A. Ryan of Wash- 


ington appears conspicuously in the organization along with that of William Z. Foster. 








THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL—WOMEN’S CLUBS 








Communists, should assume the leadership. This was particularly fitting 
because William F. Dunne, the party candidate for the governorship of 
New York, was one of those arrested at Bridgman as a delegate to the Com- 
munist convention. ‘This, of course, established the immediate connection 
between the Communist party and the Labor Defence Council, for the 
Workers’ Party is not allowed to take any steps on any matter without 
having the approval of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist 
party. Accordingly, on Sept. 24th, C. E. Ruthenberg, a Communist and a 
delegate to the Bridgman convention, who was secretary of the Workers’ 
party, sent out an official order to “To All Party Branches, District Organ- 
izers and Federation Secretaries,” which read in part as follows: 


“The Central Executive Committee of the party has decided that the 
party must take the initiative in bringing into existence an organization 
which will unite the workers in the defence struggle. 

“For this purpose the Labor Defence Council will be organized. 


“The Labor Defence Council will be a delegated body which will in- 
clude representatives of the Trade Unions, the Trade Union Educational 
League (William Z. Foster’s Communist organization within the trade union 
movement of the United States and so recognized by the Soviet Government 
of Russia) the Workers’ party, the Socialist party, the Farmer-Labor party, 
the Socialist-Labor party, the I. W. W., the Proletarian party, the United 
Toilers, liberal organizations and workers’ social, relief and cooperative 
organizations. _ 


“The purpose of the Labor Defence Council will be: 

“To conduct the defence of the victims of the Michigan raids and those 
arrested in connection with the Michigan case in other parts of the country 
and to defend other similar cases arising out of the present attack upon 
the working class movement. 


“To broaden this defence so as to develop in connection with a mass 
movement of the workers to re-establish the right to strike, the right to 
picket, the right of assemblage and freedom of press and speech. To 
make part of the defence campaign an attack upon criminal syndicalism 
laws and similar laws directed against the working class movement and to 
secure their repeal. 


~ “Yo raise the funds necessary for the legal defence as well as for the 
agitation and propaganda against infringements on the rights of the workers. 

“The immediate steps to be taken is for each city central committee 
where such exists and for each branch where there is no city central com- 
mittee to: 


““1.—Elect a committee to initiate the work of organizing a Labor De- 
fence Council. 


“2.—This committee should send an invitation to other local working 
class organizations to send delegates to the Labor Defence Council. This 
invitation should not be sent in the name of the Workers’ party but by the 
provisional committee as a provisional committee of the Labor Defence 


[173] 





Council. If possible, some well-known trade unionist should be included 
in this committee. 

“3.—The Local Defence Council should at once begin a campaign of 
agitation and money raising. I[t should hold public meetings, have resolu- 
tions introduced in the unions and in every way possible stir the workers 
to the need of a united stand against the capitalist attack.” 

The headquarters of the Labor Defence Council was established at 
166 West Washington street, Chicago, and the “Provisional National Com- 
mittee’? was made up of the following members: Roger N. Baldwin, Amer- 
ican Civil Liberties Union; Dennis M. Batt, Proletarian party, Detroit; Rob- 
ert M. Buck, editor New Majority, Farmer-Labor party; Eugene V. Debs. 
Socialist party of America; Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Workers’ Defence 
Union of New York; Moritz J. Loeb, formerly of the Civil Liberties Union 
of Chicago, now with the Workers’ party of America. The “Cooperating 
Committee of Defendants” of the Council included Earl R. Browder, assist- 
ant secretary of Foster’s Trade Union Educational League; William F. 
Dunne, labor editor of The Worker, official English organ of the Workers’ 
party, and candidate for governorship of New York; William Z. Foster 
himself, as secretary-treasurer of the Trade Union Educational League; and 
Charles E. Ruthenberg, national executive secretary of the Worker’ party, 
who sent out the orders quoted above. Foster was national secretary of the 
Council and Loeb, assistant secretary. The purposes of the organization 
were set forth by it in a secret report in a single paragraph as follows: 

“To unite all radical, liberal and conservative organiza ztions to form 
the Labor Defence Council. The purpose of this council is to defend the 
Reds arrested in Michigan, to raise bail money, to hold defence meetings 
and to carry on agitation in their behalf.” 

One of the first things done by the organization was the appointment of 
a publicity department to flood the daily newspapers of the country with 
propaganda for the movement. “Press releases” were issued and spread 
broadcast. Much of the material thus furnished was printed in reputable 
newspapers ignorant of the fact that they were printing appeals for a move- 
ment aimed at the overthrow of the country. One such release, one of the 
first sent out, was entitled, “Defence Is the Need of the Hour!” It was 
marked for “immediate release,” and read as follows: 

“Immediately upon the publication of the dastardly Daugherty injunc- 
tion and the arrest of the so-called agitators at Bridgman, Mich., the pro- 
gressive section of the labor movement united in a strong protest against 
these intolerable attacks upon our fundamental constitutional rights. Labor 
bodies all over the country condemned the proceedings in no uncertain 
terms. Special mass meetings were called for Sunday, Oct. 1. The Chicago 
Federation of Labor denounced ‘the unlawful invasion of a meeting,’ and 
‘the indiscriminate arrest, without warrants or due process of law, of men 
and women. The Minneapolis Trades and Labor Council denounces the 
attack ‘of certain labor-hating, labor-baiting detectives’ as ‘the ever-present 
methods and tactics of tyranny, and of financial tyrants and exploiters in 
control of Government.’ 


[174] 





THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL—WOMEN’S CLUBS 





“New York will take its first decisive action against these attacks upon 
the rights of labor at the huge protest meeting, arranged by the Labor De- 
fence Council, for Friday evening, Oct. 6, at the Central Opera House, 67th 
Street and Third Avenue. The speakers will include two of the arrested 
men, William Z. Foster, the noted secretary of the Trade Union Educational 
League, and C. Ruthenberg, secretary of the Worker’s party of America; 
Roger Baldwin, secretary of the Civil Liberties Union, and J. Louis Eng- 
dahl, editor of The Worker.” 


The hand of William Z. Foster can be seen in this publicity. It was 
made to appear that this was a spontaneous movement of the labor unions 
and the citations from the Chicago and Minneapolis federations were pur- 
posely designed as a trap, for both of these organizations are extremely 
radical and have indorsed much of the work of Soviet Russia, especially 
in this country. The fact, however, that the Workers’ party was back of 
the whole movement showed its connection with the Communist party of 
America. 


Trusted Communists were in charge of the organizing work of the 
Labor Defence Council in the chief cities of the country. For example, 
in Philadelphia the work was in the hands of Morris Kushinsky, whose par- 
ty name is Hoffman and who was district organizer of the third district of 
the Communist party. Immediately upon receipt of the instructions from 
Ruthenberg, Kushinsky, alias Hoffman, called a meeting, on Sept. 19, of 
the City Central Committee of the Workers’ party to begin the work of organ- 
izing the Labor Defence Council of Philadelphia. One of the first things 
done was to urge the foreign-born Communist members of the party to be- 
come citizens of the United States to save themselves from prosecution under 
laws which affect only alien agitators. The famous Philadelphia “sucker 
list” was brought out and checked off with a view to seeing how much cash 
could be raised from this source. This is the list of the Workers’ party and 
contains names of Philadelphians who, they say, may be called upon for aid. 
In the list are the names of Mrs. Gifford Pinchot, wife of the governor of 
Pennsylvania; David Wallerstein, prominent lawyer and member of the 
Civil Liberties Bureau; Francis Fisher Kane, former United States district 
attorney; T. Henry Walnut, former assistant United States district attorney ; 
Dr. Helen Murphy, a well-known woman physician; Mrs. Walter Cope, a 
sister of Francis Fisher Kane; Miss Margaret Cope, niece of Mr. Kane; 
Mrs. George Burnham, of the family which owns part of the Baldwin Loco- 
motive Works; six members of the wealthy Biddle family, which is con- 
nected with the Drexel interests; and Asa S. Wing, who was in charge of 
the local work of relief for the Near East. There are several hundred names 
on this list. 


Foster and Ruthenberg, both defendants in the Bridgman cases, were 
particularly active in organizing the local Labor Defence Councils as 
branches of the national body, and travelled over a great part of the East 
speaking at meetings in various cities. Practically all of these meetings were 


[175] 


REDS IN AMERICA 





used to spread Communist propaganda as well as to raise money for the 
defence of Foster, Ruthenberg and the others. 

The question of financing the defence on as large a scale as was planned, 
presented a considerable problem. With lawyers’ fees of unusual size to be 
paid, bail money to be furnished, anticipated fines and support of the fam- 
ilies of the prisoners, as well as the providing of a kind of sinking fund 
for the future contests with the authorities, the Communists were in difficul- 
ties to raise the money required. Large sums in the aggregate were raised 
in the meetings held as often and in as many places as possible. The Amer- 
ican Civil Liberties Union also contributed largely both with funds and 
legal advice—the services of 800 lawyers were offered by this organization 
—but in addition to this a call went forth to Moscow for additional financial 
aid. Moscow may be counted upon to provide money when necessary. But 
in the end the American people provide the funds. This is the result of 
the carefully kept “sueker lists,” collections taken at the meetings, and the 
funds which Moscow gets directly from the American public, including 
sums collected by Russian actors, dancers and artists in this country, which 
were referred to in a previous chapter. 

There are many means by which the Communists have planned to se- 
cure cash from citizens of the United States, this money to be used either 
in full or in part for the overthrow of this Government by violence. Various 
industrial organizations are disguises for raising such funds. The connec- 
tion of the Friends of Soviet Russia with the Moscow Government is too 
well known to need repeating. This organization issued a circular which 
indicated that Sydney Hillman’s organization, the Russian-American Indus- 
trial Corporation, was in very close touch with the Friends of Soviet Russia, 
and an interesting part of the scheme was to use the old plea of saving 
“starving” children. The circular reads: 


“Friends of Soviet Russia starts big campaign for Russian-American 
Industrial Corporation and children’s homes in Soviet Russia. 

“The Friends of Soviet Russia, Local New York, has just opened a 
joint campaign for the Russian-American Industrial Corporation and the 
Children’s Homes in Soviet Russia. 

“The corporation, formed recently in the Amalgamated, has for its 
purpose the promotion of industrial activity in Russia by raising sufficient 
capital to start large factories. A million dollars is needed for the initial 
capital, and thousands have already purchased stock, which sells at $10 a 
share. Every worker who wishes to see Soviet Russia prosper must lend 
his financial assistance to this project. Further details with regard to the 
corporation and the campaign to be conducted will be published later. 

“The second big item on the program of the Friends of Soviet Russia 
is the drive to raise enough money to support ten thousand starving children 
in Soviet Russia. As a result of the terrible famine millions of little chil- 
dren have lost their parents and are now helpless. To save them from star- 
vation, and death from the freezing blasts of winter, an international drive 
is being conducted to rescue these millions of children. The quota allotted 


[176] 








THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL—WOMEN’S CLUBS 





—— Ee. —— = ee 





to the Friends of Soviet Russia to support is ten thousand. The method of 
raising money is as follows: 

“Organizations interested in saving these children can do so by adopt- 
ing one or more of them. Five dollars down and two dollars a month for 
twelve months will support one child for a whole year. This means $290 
for ten children per year. Those interested in adopting children should at 
once communicate with the local office, 208 East Twelfth Street. To carry 
both of these drives over the top the Friends of Soviet Russia will call a 
general conference of labor organizations interested in Russian Relief and 
Reconstruction.” 

The “Amalgamated” referred to in this communication is the Amal- 
gamated Clothing Workers’ Union of America, which is closely associated 
with the Communists in the Russian regime. That fact, and the fact that 
the Friends of Soviet Russia is a Moscow-controlled organization show 
plainly enough the destination of funds raised in this way. In addition to 
these facts, however, is the fact stated by Litvinov, among other Russian 
officials, that there is no longer any danger of famine in Russia. 

In a document found at Bridgman at the time of the raid of the illegal 
convention of Communists was one on Work Among Women, in which it is 
set forth that “the famine appeal is the most practical means for penetrating 
women’s clubs, leagues, etc.” And already work has been directed by the 
Communists to win support of their cause among women’s organizations of 
all classes. An elaborate program for this work was adopted at the Bridg- 
man convention, going into such detail as the canvassing of cities, block 
by block, and block organizations for the Communists. The thesis adopted 
reads as follows: 

“The interest of the working class demands the recruiting of women 
into the ranks of the proletariat fighting for Communism. 

“Wherever the question of the conquest of power arises, the Communist 
parties must consider not only the great source of weakness to the prole- 
tarian struggle of an uninformed mass of housewives, farmers’ wives and 
women workers in the industrial field, but also the fact that on the other 
hand, proletarian women once awakened are among the most tenacious fight- 
ing elements in the class struggle. 

“The experiences of the Russian Soviet Republic prayed in practice the 
importance of the participation of women workers and peasants in defence 
of the Republic as well as in other activities of Soviet construction. 
This alone must serve as a lesson in all countries; while here in America 
we have recently had several thrilling examples; notably in the part work- 
ing-class women played in the Chicago packing strike and the miners’ 
struggle in Kansas, in Pennsylvania and West Virginia. 

“Communism, which alone affords women economic and social equal- 
ity, and the necessary conditions for motherhood without conflicting with 
woman’s social obligations or hindering her creative work for the benefit 
of society, should be the aim of all women fighting for emancipation. But 
Communism is also the final aim of the entire proletariat. Consequently, 
the struggle of the proletariat woman must be carried on in the interests 


[177] 





ey eis FS err nee 


REDS IN AMERICA 








of both the men and the women of the proletariat under a united leadership 
‘one and indivisible’ to the entire proletarian movement. 

“With Karl Marx we affirm that there is no specific women’s question 
and no specific women’s movement. But in present day society there are 
hundreds of thousands of working-class women in separate women’s or- 
ganizations and millions of workers’ and farmers’ wives with a lower status 
than a wage slave’s, isolated from the general stream of organized endeavor 
who must ite retiched and vdrawal into the struggle for Communism by spe- 
cific methods of approach. 


“It is therefore imperative that women’s committees be created to de- 
vise and carry into practice the specific methods that will win the women 
of the working class to the Communist ideal and that will unite them for 
and link them up with the general proletarian struggle. 


“Women’s work that immediately presents itself may roughly be clas- 
sified in four categories. 


“(1) Work among the women organized in trade unions or organiza- 
tions afhliated with trade unions. 


“(2) Work among unorganized women. 


(3) Work in women’s organizations other than trade unions; 
mothers’ clubs, housewives’ leagues, cooperatives, nationalist groups, whether 
social or cultural, etc. 


“(4) Emergency work, such as work among strikers’ wives, etc. 


“In this field the most important work presents itself. The Women’s 
Trade Union League proposes to reorganize the former ‘Women’s Auxiliaries’ 
of the wives of trade unionists into industrial housewives’ leagues. 

“The Women’s Trade Union League is at present jogging along. With 
the introduction of new blood it could be made a powerful weapon. Much 
of our first activities should be directed to this work wherever possible. 
Were we to carry on a successful campaign, eventually capturing the lead- 
ership, we would be in a peculiarly strategic position for furthering women’s 
work of all kinds, including emergency work. 

“Some of our best women are fortunately already very active in the 
organization. 

“In order intelligently to lay the ground-work in trade unions and 
other categories of women’s organizations the questionnaire prepared by 
the Women’s National Committee should be filled out with care and 
thoroughness. 

“The famine in Russia places not alone a solemn duty upon us but 
also offers us an unparalleled opportunity to reach the great unorganized 
masses of proletarian women; to crystallize their sentiment and win them 
for the proletarian struggle. 

“To realize permanent gains from the use of this opportunity the block 
system is proposed for adoption for all women’s committees. The following 
is offered as a method upen which to proceed: 


“(1) Organize a women’s block committee of no less than three. 


[178] 


ae 








THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL—WOMEN’S CLUBS 








“(2) Select a block for activity, operating in one block at a time upon 
the follow-up plan. 


“(3) Secure a small hall or store soliciting its free use for relief 
work, 


“(4,) Print simple, attractive tickets admitting two to hear stories 
and see pictures of Russia, promising also other entertainment. 


“(5) Make house-to-house canvass several consecutive days before 
meeting, discovering the women sympathizers and leaving one or two 
tickets in exchange for a promise to use them. 


“(6) In the course of the canvass discover block talent in children 
or grown folks. Arrange to utilize it, no matter how crude or untrained, 
in the block meetings, thus providing the promised entertainment and 
creating a basis for local interest in future block meetings of a similar 
nature under the same auspices. 


“(7) One-fifth of those receiving invitations to attend may be relied 
on to be present in a meeting. Tickets should be issued with the usual 
result in mind. 


“(8) Slides and lanterns can be supplied by local relief centers or 
obtained through application to the B (legal branch of the Communist 
party) national office. Instructions for their use are simple. Any member 
of the block committee wishing to use the outfit could learn to operate it 
‘straight’, while the simple explanations of the pictures can be made by 
anyone, as there is a certain easy system that a child could learn, that comes 
with the slides. 


(9) At the meeting, which should be given a neighborly, friendly 
atmosphere, enlist the women as members of the block committee to help 
the famine-striken mothers and children of Soviet Russia. All who join 
should be recorded in the Women’s Division of the B. 


“(10) The Working Class Women’s Block Committees should be 


adopted as the official name of these groups throughout the country. 


“(11) Arrange for the next committee meeting in the home of one of 
the women where work, entertainment, collection of clothing, money, food 
etc., sale of literature, block meetings and talks may be planned in harmony 
with local needs, etc. 


‘“*(12) In these activities pride in local talent must be utilized to 
knit the hopeful elements more closely together that the clarifying process 
may go on in a friendly, social atmosphere. 


“It is necessary to point out future possibilities. It should be clear 
to all our comrades that the block committees can become a vital force 
in the general proletarian struggle. 


[179] 





REDS IN AMERACA 








“Third, work in women’s organizations other than trade unions. 


“Asain, among the organized women generally, the famine appeal is 
the most practical means for penetrating women’s clubs, leagues, etc. These 
women’s organizations are very numerous. 


“Tt is suggested that when our data concerning women’s organizations 
are returned with the questionnaires we choose those whose proletarian 
character is best fitted to our aim, gradually widening our activities as we 
build up our forces. 


“Fourth, the Women’s National Committee should at all times have its 
eyes fixed on the industrial horizon. When great industrial conflicts present 
themselves it should have its plans perfected for prompt emergency work 
among those working women more clearly involved in the conflicts. With 
the organization of the Women’s Committees completed, work in the in- 
dustrial districts will be greatly facilitated. 


“These four types of work will be all that our present forces will 
be equal to: the work in the Women’s Trade Union League, organization 
of the unorganized, penetration of other women’s organizations through 
famine relief appeals, etc., and emergency work. This is an ambitious 
program. 


“Sub-committees for eaclt category could be named to facilitate the 
work in the first three types of activity, while emergency work could be 
assigned to a sub-committee appointed when an emergency arises or is 
anticipated.” 


In an interesting article, published May 1, 1922, The Woman Patriot 
says that “the so-called ‘Pan-American Conference of Women’ at Baltimore 
called by Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, president of the International Woman 
Suffrage Alliance and honorary president of the National League of Women 
Voters, was in reality “The Women’s Third International.” The article 
is too long for quotation here, but seven short paragraphs give all loyal 
Americans food for thought. It is not charged here that the women inter- 
ested in this meeting, the first of its kind held in the United States, are 
working for Communism directly, but it behoves all loyal American women, 
and men as well to “watch their step” in these times surcharged with 
danger. These paragraphs read: 


“The two former internationals were held in Zurich, in 1919, and in 
Vienna, in 1921, under the names, ‘International Congress of Women’ and 
“Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom.’ 

“Frequent changes of name,’ as advised by Nicolai Lenin, are re- 
sorted to by the International feminist-pacifist bloc as often as necessary, but 
the entire movement originates with the International Woman’s Suffrage 
Alliance. 


“The work is divided up, like an army’s artillery, cavalry and infantry, 
into three mobile divisions: 


“The political, under Mrs. Catt and her ‘International Woman Suffrage 
Alliance’ and ‘League of Women Voters.’ 


[180] 





THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL—WOMEN’S CLUBS 














“The pacifist, under Miss Jane Addams and her ‘Women’s International 
League for Peace and Freedom.” 


“The industrial, under Mrs. Raymond Robins and her ‘International 
League of Working Women’ and ‘Women’s Trade Union League.’ 


“The three branches are employed precisely as a wise general would 
engage artillery, cavalry or infantry; using all three together wherever 
necessary and each one alone for special objectives.” 


Voluntary organizations which are carrying on agitative propaganda or 
which have objectives to a greater or less extent in harmony with the pro- 
gram of the Communist party of America are so numerous that it would be 
impossible to list them. They may be found in every state in the union, 
and several of the larger ones with headquarters in metropolitan centers 
are active in every state. In some instances, the work of such organizations 
is of so much value to the revolutionary forces that recognition is freely 
and officially accorded by the Communists. In other instances, the ob- 
jectives are praiseworthy, the personnel is above suspicion, and it is only 
on pausing to analyse that the adherence to collectivism as opposed to in- 
dividualism, or the tendency toward dependency on the state which is so 
characteristic of socialism, becomes apparent. Between the two extremes 
all grades of variations are to be found. As an example of the more radical 
type, the Women’s Trade Union League may be mentioned. The League 
was originally started by Mrs. Raymond Robins, who was until quite recently 
and for many years, its president. Miss Agnes Nestor and Miss Rose 
Schneiderman figure prominently in its activities, the latter of whom is 
now president. Its object is to organize trades unions composed of women, 
and to federate those in existence. Its work is so much in harmony with 
that of the Communist party of America that at the Bridgman Convention 
the latter adopted a thesis which obviously looks upon it as occupying an 
important strategical position in the united front of its lawful and open 


machinery. So far as is known the leaders of the Women’s Trade Union 
League have never repudiated this overture on the part of the Communist 
party but on the contrary from time to time in its annual conventions, the 
League has adopted resolutions indicative of its sympathy with the Moscow 
Soviet government and in accord with the program of the Communist party, 
it “demands” among other things that public utilities now run by the state 
be turned over to workers’ control. In view of these and many other facts, 





1 That the Woman’s International League for Peace and Freedom is closely aligned 
with the Third International in interest and objective is clearly shown in an adver- 
tisement which recently appeared in ‘‘The World Tomorrow”, and cited by The 
Woman Patriot, in which it is stated that Miss Jane Addams of Hull House, Chi- 
eago, is listed as a stockholder in the Russian-American Industrial Corporation 
(Sidney Hillman) along with Nicolai Lenin, Eugene V. Debs, Charles P. Steinmetz, 
and Congressman LaGuardia. The Woman’s Patriot also quotes the Federated Press 
Bulletin as stating that Anna Louise Strong, for many years Moscow correspondent 
of the Federated Press, and for the official American Communist organ, The Worker, 
expects to fill numerous lecture engagements during the winter and can be reached 
at Hull House, No. 800 S. Halsted St., Chicago, Ill. Press dispatches from Moscow 
recently indicate that some of the funds of the Russian American Industrial Cor- 
poration in Russia had been misappropriated. 


[181] 


REDS IN AMERICA 





the Women’s Trade Union League may be considered as a part of the united 
front of the open and legal machinery of the Communist party of America, 
regardless of whether the League or its leaders would desire such a desig- 
nation. On the other hand, it would be unjust to regard all individual 
members of the League as communists. Obviously, they are not. Many of 
them have a purely nominal connection with the League, or though working 
for its organic interests, are ignorant of the uses to which the League is 
being put. 

The same is found to apply on appraising the nature of the activities 
of some other organizations. From the stand-point of hypersensitive human- 
itarianism, many of them have objectives which are excellent and desirable, 
provided we do not take into consideration the cost either in money or 
destructiveness to the state. It should be noted, however, that in almost 
every instance, some individual or group among the leading spirits of any 
particular society, can be found having direct or indirect connections with 
the Communist party of America, while the numerical majority are quite 
above suspicion. For instance in such a class undoubtedly belongs the Amer- 
ican Association for Labor Legislation. It beseeches legislators for the adop- 
tion of social insurance by the state. To it we owe the present workmen’s com- 
pensation laws which are on the statute books of the various states. Com- 
pulsory health insurance is a part of its legislative program but up to the 
present, largely owing to the bitter opposition of physicians and the ad- 
ministrative difficulties encountered in England, the Association has failed 
to achieve this end here. En passant, it should be said that these measures 
were born of revolutionary socialism in the decade following 1869. The 
effect of its adoption means a lightening of responsibility on the part of 
labor in the maintenance of a healthy well-balanced society, and quick adap- 
tation of the working classes to the idea of dependency on the state. Samuel 
Gompers at one time a member of the A. A. L. L. resigned, repudiating all 
its words and works. Social Insurance legislation is class legislation and 
socialistic. The Soviet government of Russia has attempted with a more 
or less show of success to establish a complete system of social insurance. 

The most conspicuous generality which could be deduced from a study 
of the names of those connected with the management of the American As- 
sociation for Labor Legislation is the fact that aside from Andrew Furu- 
seth, radical president of the Seamen’s Union, probably not one includes 
in his personal experience a history of having worked continuously for any 
length of time at manual labor, certainly not Thomas Chadburn, its presi- 
dent, nor Adolph Lewisohn, its treasurer (1923). 

There are doubtless many people who have contributed to the support 
of the American Association for Labor Legislation who are far above the 
charge of consciously desiring the success of a subversive movement. If 
we subtract these from the membership and leaders of the organization, 
there remains a large number who are prominently connected with the 
radical movement and in some instances indirectly with the Communist 
party of America. It is still an inexplicable mystery, how the Lusk Com- 
mittee failed to give this organization due consideration, Among its con- 


[182] 


OO OO EE “’, 





THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL—WOMEN’S CLUBS 














spicuous officials are or have been in the past such well-known radicals as 
Mrs. Raymond Robins, organizer and president of the Women’s Trade 
Union League, which has just been considered and which is an important 
part of the lawful open machinery of the Communist party of America, and 
her associates Miss Agnes Nestor and Miss Mary Anderson; the Rev. John 
Haynes Holmes, the radical pacifist, and his friend and co-worker, Rabbi 
Stephen S. Wise; Owen Lovejoy, of whom more anon; Miss Lillian Wald, of 
the Henry Street Settlement known as a member of the interlocking director- 
ate of radical organizations; Miss Jane Addams, famous for her interest in 
the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom; and a host of 
others of like thought. 

In general, there is a mutual sympathy for the objects which this class 
of organizations desire to attain, an interlocking personnel in the director- 
ates, and programs which dovetail into each other that suggest common in- 
spiration and mutual financial resources. They present the appearance of a 
united front, and might be deemed the shock-troops of an insinuating army 
of borers, whose province it is to wedge ignorant inertia aside and make 
room for advancing communism. To call such organizations “socialistic” 
as opposed to communistic is in reality a distinction without a difference. 
These systems differ in degree and not in principle. 

Among the papers uncovered by the raid on the convention of the Com- 
munist party of America at Bridgman, was one entitled, “Next Task in the 
Communist party of America”, consisting of orders from Moscow, signed 
by the Executive Committee of the Communist International, Bukharin, Ra- 
dek, and Kusinen. It is given in full in Appendix F. The careful reader 
will be amazed at the progress which this program has already made, not 
as the result of the open support of the Communist party of America, but 
as the result of ceaseless propaganda by this type of voluntary organiza- 
tion. The scar resulting from the repercussions of the Russian Bolshevik 
revolution on American social and political life is already a permanent one. 
As one glances over the names of those who make up the personnel of these 
non-communistic radical groups, there will always be found the name of 
the isolated individual, or group of individuals whose connections and friends 
may be classed as dubious, or as having associations with those who are 
known Communists. 


As for the “pale gray” organizations, the kind which bear all the ear- 
marks of respectability, in number they are multitudinous. Also the clever 
way in which recognized organizations, may be used by the radicals for their 
purposes is in many instances instructive. To attempt an enumeration 
would be outside the scope of this book and to designate any definite or- 
ganization as a part of the united front of the lawful propaganda machin- 
ery of the Communist party of America by examination of its personnel 
and objectives would in many cases only raise a debatable question. But 
that many are made use of with or without their official wish in the matter 
is apparent. Of such is “The National Information Bureau” which will be 
considered for a space in that it has been of assistance to some of the dis- 
loyal organizations. 


[183] 


REDS IN AMERICA 





According to its literature, the National Information Bureau was es- 
tablished in 1918, and at present has offices at No. 1 Madison Avenue, New 
York, the office building of the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company. 
“Special reports are issued to members on request, on any organization with- 
in the field of the Bureau’s formal approval. The Bureau also reports to 
members, as far as possible, on any enterprise in such related fields as the 
following: 


Civic Reform Soldier Magazines 
Americanization Child Welfare Magazines 
Health Work Semi-fraternal organizations, labor 
Religious Work unions, etc., seeking support from 
(non-sectarian ) non members. 
Propaganda Miscellaneous sem-commercial enter- 
(non-political) prises with a genuine or spurious 
Negro Schools humanitarian appeal. 


“Reports are now available to Bureau members on approximately 1,600 
agencies. New Investigations will be made promptly on receipt of in- 
quiries.” (Bulletin No. 8, 1921.) 

“By arrangement with the Charity Organization Society of New York, 
the Bureau is enabled to secure, for its members only, reports on local 
New York agencies.” This fact places the National Information Bureau 
in direct connection with what is generally known among social workers 
the country over as the “New York Charity Trust.” 

“The Bureau also issues exclusively for its members a special caution- 
ary bulletin.” (Italicized for emphasis.) 

“Organizations are approved on the basis of (a) complete information 
supplied by the organizations themselves and supplemented by necessary 
investigation; (b) compliance with the standards adopted by the Board of 
Directors of the Bureau.” (Italicized for emphasis, ) 


The Board of Directors has established a set of standards expressed 
in ten items, most of which, if not all, are entirely laudable. Two are here 
reproduced to show that in these respects the standards are so flexible that 
approval or disapproval, in any particular instance, will rest not so much 
on the standard as on the interpretation of the standard by Bureau’s Board 
of Directors. 


“2. <A legitimate purpose with no avoidable duplication of the work of 
another efficiently managed organization. 

“3. Reasonable efficiency in conduct of work, management of institutions, 
etc., and reasonable adequacy of equipment for such work, both material and 
personal,” 

The Bureau also states itself to be “an impartial investigating agency, 
does not express a judgment concerning the purposes of organizations where 
the value of these purposes is open to legitimate difference of opinion,” pal- 
pably a standard which has wide latitude of interpretation. 

The Bureau apparently seeks to gain its financial support from organiza- 
tions, firms and individuals willing to pay for the service, who desire investi- 


[184] 








THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL—WOMEN’S CLUBS 


Sn en ae nm serene — ~ — ~ 





gations made of “national, social, civic or philanthropic organizations solicit- 
ing voluntary contributions.” There are naturally many people both among 
the weaJthier and the well-to-do classes who desire to be satisfied that any funds 
which they contribute will be properly disbursed, and the National Informa- 
tion Bureau is apparently the organization, from its point of view, which is 
able and equipped to give them satisfaction. Presumably, then, the Bureau 
¥ constantly receiving applications from such people, and in time would have 
listed large numbers of those who are philanthropically inclined. “Over 1700 
Sh have been made; forty per cent show undesirable conditions” 
Miche: ee 


In detailing the scope of the work of the National Information Bureau, 
attention has been called to certain dangerous potentialities, and it remains 
to examine the personnel of its organization as shown by its reports. 
Mr. Paul Cravath was apparently one of the earlier officials. He is widely 
known in New York as an attorney, and it is a matter of common knowl- 
edge that he had acted in a professional capacity for the banking firm of Kuhn, 
Loeb & Co., or for some of its partners as individuals. He appeared for 
Mr. Otto Kahn for instance, before the Federal Trade Commission at hear- 
ings appointed to investigate the facts as to the possibility of the existence 
of a moving picture trust. Literature describing the work of the Bureau in 
the year 1921, presents a list of names of the officers and directors, 


many of which are quite above the suspicion of being consciously involved 
in any subversive organization. ‘There are two divisions of the Board of 
Directors, the first “representing the contributing public,” and the second 
“representing organized social work.” Of the names in the former division, 
that of Robert W. DeForest is perhaps the most conspicuous. He is a well 
known attorney in New York City, an official in the Metropolitan Life In- 
surance Company, and a trustee of the Sage Foundation, etc., etc., etc. 
Among radicals he is widely and favorably known because of the fact that 
he is or was president of the corporation which publishes The Survey, a 
magazine which the Lusk Committee Report very conservatively classifies 
as “a Liberal paper, having the endorsement of Revolutionary Groups’. 
Its editorial policy exhibits a tendresse for Soviet Russia which approaches 
in an intellectual way near to that which is exhibited by wordy brass 
knuckles of The Communist. The Lusk Committee also brought out the 
fact that The Survey was “subsidized by the Russell Sage Foundation and 
has been receiving at the rate of $13,000 a year for the past nine years.” 


The Lusk Committee Report also records the fact that Freedom, a paper 
published by the Ferrer group of anarchists at Stelton, N. J., and advocating 
the “principles of anarchist communism,” had this to say editorially: “It may 
well be asked, ‘Why another paper?’ when the broadly libertarian and revo- 
lutionary movement is so ably represented by Socialist publications like the 
Revolutionary Age, Liberator, Rebel Worker, Workers World, and many 
others, and the advanced liberal movement by The Dial, Nation, The World 
Tomorrow, and to a lesser degree, the New Republic, and Survey. These 
publications are doing excellent work in their several ways, and with much 
of that work we find ourselves in hearty agreement.” 


[185] 





REDS IN AMERICA 





The explanation which has been advanced in defense of Mr. De Forest 
to the effect that as a busy business and professional man, he hardly has 
time to give detailed attention to many activities to which he lends his name, 
is a specious one. He alone is responsible for the use of his name. 

Among those given as members of the directorate of the National In- 
formation Bureau “representing organized social work” is the familiar one 
of Owen R. Lovejoy, general secretary of the National Child Labor Com- 
mittee of New York. It should be noted that Lovejoy is secretary of the 
Bureau (1921), presumably indicating his lively interest in the work. To 
radicals of every hue from the Atlantic to the Pacific, Lovejoy’s name is 
always hailed with satisfaction. He was formerly active in the American 
Association for Labor Legislation. He is listed in the Lusk Committee 
Report as a member of the executive committee of the Civil Liberties Bu- 
reau, of which Roger N. Baldwin was director, this Bureau afterwards merg- 
ing into the American Civil Liberties Union, a part of the open or legal 
machinery of the Communist party of America. The roster of that Executive 
Committee reads more or less like the membership of a New York Local, 
among them being: Rabbi Stephen S. Wise, Dr. James P. Warbasse, Rev. 
Norman M. Thomas, Agnes Brown Leach, Zona Gale, Max Eastman, Emily 
Greene Balch, Oswald Garrison Villard owner of The Nation, Prof. Scott 
Nearing, James R. Maurer, Alice Lewisohn, Paul U. Kellog, editor of The 
Survey, Rev. John H. Holmes, Frank Bohn and Jane Addams. Mr. Lovejoy 
also wrote the so-called “Dear Gene” letter to Debs at the time when the 
latter was sentenced to Atlanta Penitentiary and in which Lovejoy analyzed 
his feelings at this event by comparing them with the falling shades of night. 

As general secretary of the National Child Labor Committee, he has 
been welcomed in at least one High School of the City of New York, where, 
after making a speech, he solicited pennies from the students for the sup- 
port of the Committee. . 

In Bulletin No. 8 issued by the National Information Bureau, a list of 
the societies approved (1921) is given, and among them are the names of 
two, The American Association of Social Workers and the National Child 
Labor Committee, of which Lovejoy himself is an official. 

In this approved list there are of course many societies and organiza- 
tions which are far above criticism both as to their functions and the per- 
sonnel of the officials. There are however some which are quite to the 
contrary. For instance, approval has been extended to the American Civil 
Liberties Union, an important constituent organization in the open legal 
machinery of the Communist party of America, for all practical purposes 
a continuation of the Old Civil Liberties Bureau of which Lovejoy himself 
was a member of the Executive Committee, and an organization which 
caused so much anxiety to the Government during the war. Approval has 
also been extended in a list of 1923 to the Women’s Trade Union League 
of which, as stated, Mrs. Raymond Robins was the organizer and president, 
and which was discussed with more than friendly spirit in the documents 
seized during the raid on the convention of the Communist party at Bridgman. 
As has been shown this organization is a part and not an unimportant one of 


1186] 


ea 











THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL—WOMEN’S CLUBS 





the united front of the open legal machinery of the Communist party of Amer- 
ica. The American Association for Labor Legislation has also been approved 
in the 1923 list, an organization which has also been considered and of which 
Mr. Felix Warburg of the banking firm of Kuhn, Loeb & Co., is or was a 
vice-president, along with Miss Lillian Wald, Ernst Freund and Rabbi 
Stephen Wise. In the approved list are also societies of all stripes among 
them the American Union Against Militarism; (1921) the American Jewish 
Committee, (1923) organized to “protect and prevent the infraction of civil 
and religious rights of Jews throughout the world”: the Federal Council 
of the Churches of Christ in America, (1923) of which whole books have 
been written; the Foreign Policy Association, (1923) which stands for “a 
liberal and constructive American foreign policy”; the League to Enforce 
Peace, “organized to promote an effective League of Nations with the United 
States as a member”, the National Association for the Advancement of 
Colored People, (1923) an agitative pro-Soviet organization for propa- 
gandizing negroes; the National Consumers League, of which Mrs. Florence 
Kelly (formerly Wishnewetzky) is the General Secretary, and John R. 
Shillady, also on the directorate of the National Information Bureau, is the 
executive director; the Voluntary Parenthood League, which specializes in 
the propaganda of birth control, and which from an examination of its per- 
sonnel and objectives may be regarded as in the periphery of the radical! 
movement; the American Relief for Russian Women and Children of which 
the pro-socialist and pacifist, Jane Addams is the chairman; the Committee 
for the Rescue and Education of Russian Children; the American Jewish 
Joint Distribution Committee of which Mr. Felix Warburg is the chairman; 
and many others. 

If letterheads are to be believed, the National Information Bureau has 
extended within the recent past its seal of approval to the Friends of Soviet 
Russia, the open, legal branch of the Communist party of America. It has 
also set the seal of its approval on the many constituant organizations of 
the Friends of Soviet Russia and also upon the American Committee for 
the Relief of Russian Children of which Capt. Paxton Hibben is the execu- 
tive secretary, of whom much has already been said. 

Information of the type which the National Information Bureau col- 
lects and correlates is lifeblood to those who are actively engaged in the 
work of propaganda, good or bad. “Sucker-lists” such as were uncovered 
in the raid upon the convention of the Communist party of America at 
Bridgman must be constantly replenished and if a mechanism does not 
exist capable of supplying them, it must be organized. 


[187] 


a 


>, 


Ln Sani es Se 
aS ent Raat a 
4 Mie Means: 





CHAPTER TWELVE 
THE NEGRO PROGRAM 


FUTURE PLANS OF COMMUNISTS 


The Communists’ earliest program in the United States included the 
use of the negro masses in its campaign to bring about the overthrow of 
the Government of this country by violence. This program recognized 
that the negroes had many grievances, that race hatred was strong among 
them, and that they were easily inflamed to violence. Accordingly it 
was decided to use them in the great conspiracy. The Left Wing Socialists 
and the I. W. W., from which came the nucleus of the Communist party 
of America, had drawn no color line and had urged the negroes repeatedly 
to meet violence with violence, to “fight back,” and to demand their 
“rights” of the Government and of individual whites with threats of upris- 
ings unless these “rights” were granted. Thus it was that the negro 
program became one of the prime vicious plans of the Communists. 


During the first year of organized activity by the Communists in the 
United States a great deal of attention was paid to the negro question. 
A number of educated negroes, most of them from Harvard, were found 
sufficiently discontented and sufhciently unbalanced to make good Com- 
munists. They were enlisted in the work and from that time on have been 
preaching violence on every occasion. The race riots of 1919 came at 
the height of this radicalism among the negroes who were secretly sup- 
ported and urged to greater violence by white Communists and_ the 
radical negro leaders. The Communists made capital of these riots and 
the coincident racial feeling which was aroused. Soon after this, however, 
the Communist leaders turned to other features of the conspiracy against 
the Government, and the interest of the mass of negroes waned, But more 
recently the Communist leaders, acting under instructions from Moscow, 
have again turned their attention to this question, and their activities 
have resulted in renewed Communist expression by the negroes, through 
their radical press and in committee work among them. 


The negroes came back from Europe, and from service in camps in 
this country, with renewed desire for betterment. They had also, by their 
experience in the Army, learned the use of organized force. The radicals 
in this country were quick to seize upon this feeling among the negroes to 
preach violence and urge them on to take by force what they wanted. By 
every means this class consciousness was cultivated by the radicals, and 
later by the Communists. The dissatisfied negroes were aided in starting 


[189] 


REDS IN AMERICA 








newspapers devoted to urging the negroes to join the radicals. When the 
Communist party appeared the preliminary missionary work among the 
negroes had been done in the name of “Bolshevism,” which became a com- 
mon term among the negro agitators. Inflammatory cartoons and sketches 
appeared in the negro radical press and gradually but surely this press 
became Communistic, openly and avowedly. Many of the radical negro 
papers are now officially recognized by the secret, illegal Communist party. 


One of the most inflammatory cartoons that has appeared in the negro 
press, depicted a negro in the uniform of the United States Army standing 
armed with sword and rifle on the soil of France, his feet upon a rope that 
leads to the background of the picture where the United States of America 
is portrayed by a tree, against which is a Statue of Liberty and by which 
is a figure of the devil, entitled “Obstruction.” At the negro soldier’s feet 
is a large decapitated head of a white man—“Obstruction”—with labels of 
“Jim Crow Him”—“Burn Him”—“Lynch Him”—“Kill”—“Mob”—‘Starve.” 
The general caption of this cartoon is, “Must He Carry On?” 

_ Inflammatory reading matter is also furnished to the black readers. 
A single paragraph from The Messenger, one of the radical papers for 
negroes, reads: “As for social equality, there are about 5,000,000 mulattoes 
in the United States. This is the product of semisocial equality. It shows 
that social equality galore exists after dark, and we warn you that we expect 
io have social equality in the day as well as after dark.” 

Communist agents carefully sought out the various negro organiza- 
tions in this country, consulted with the leaders, and studied the motives 
behind each organization and leader as well as the methods used to attain 
the desired end. For several months these organizations were watched and 
finally, acting upon the reports of these agents, the Communist party for- 
mally gave approval to the African Blood Brotherhood. This is the most 
radical of the negro organizations, and while the door is not barred to others 
who may later prove that they are radical enough to unite with the Com- 
munists, this is the only one thus far formally approved. A document 
found at Bridgman, after the raid of the illegal Communist Convention, 
included “a brief statement of the Program and Aims of the African Blood 
Brotherhood.” This began with an enumeration of the aims, eight in all, 
which included “a liberated race; absolute race equality—political, eco- 
nomic, social; the fostering of race pride; organized and uncompromising 
opposition to Ku Kluxism; rapprochement and fellowship within the darker 
masses and with the class-conscious revolutionary white workers; industrial 
development; higher wages for negro labor, lower rents; a united negro 
front.” In discussing these aims this statement, which was in the form of 
an official report, or thesis, to the Communist party, says: 


‘A liberated race—in the United States, Africa and elsewhere. Liber- 
ated not merely from political rule, but also from the crushing weight of 
capitalism, which keeps the many in degrading poverty that the few may 


wallow in stolen wealth. 
“Absolute Race Equality. In this question are inextricably bound the 


[190] 


(SO1OUd PIZOAA IYPIM ) “OTIVYUMIS[I PsvoNp 
-o1da1 918 YoIUM Jo sosed uoultoeds ‘u0},n19qQ1VT 94} JO SuUUIN[OD 94} Ysnoiy} s}stunw 
-Wi0d UvIIIOUY Suocwe \UIUTTJUVS UPBIWSIIYO-NUuB sy} S}UaSeIder Aj[eIDedsa ‘AASTUTUL 
uRIsSIIuUQ ey] Ul peulepso YyJoq VIoM JA9Iy}JOUL pue JZ9yeVJ VSOUM ‘ULUTISeO “SZ6T 
AIeNIgay ‘MODSOF 3B [BVUOTJVUIIJUL PII, 94} JO sso1suo0pD YINO, 94} UO sdUBpUI} 


OVHOOWHd GHITddV NI ACNLS V 





A t - 
. .. 
® 
’ 
i ‘ 
a } 
by 
‘us ’ 
a 
og’ (hs 
¥ 
iar 
4A Z 
. 
oy 
‘ 
¥ 
! 
i 
: é 
te 
“e 
. 
’ 
et , 
* 
‘ 
‘ 
’ 
' 
‘ 5 
. 
, 
i 
r 
jos 
‘ 
. 
t ’ 
’ 
4 
' 
! 
| 
d - 
m! 
‘ 
( 
' 
i 
' 
‘ 
~e 
. 


ie ay Seay on 8 
~ ie am 7 9 rye 
q ¥ i i) _ 
as eats 7 ‘ : 
ae ae ee tte) =e 
i ‘ ; Is yh eA Ps NM 
vs P ,ee a iv at ¢ 
ihe a geile Be Pete. 2 
> - ‘ 4 f “ : uf ‘ " 
‘ee vy* . » é 
} iT " 
can - G ¥ 
a. rial 4 . 7 
oe ‘ i} a 
is, ‘ " 
’ " ‘ uy 
- Fuad J 
of LS Was 5 
, + " 
‘sl Ses 
4 bal’ ae | 
i H Ne 
‘ 5 7 ‘ y 
’ | rs 
= y ™ A 
' 
' i 
a = } i] 
’ 
a 3 
a 












i 
, . 
" 
L ' 
i 
, 
os ’ 
~ i : 
i ey 
) s ‘a | 4 
i) 
\ 
yy i 8 
t yt 
‘ 7 +4 + c 
7 i 
cr ay. ae 
| 
esi \i { 
on 
y na TH 
-n a ¥ 
F ae i 
ra ae 
a ' 
tp bat E 
BS Pe, 
¢ ar 
ie - ae > Lie 
- 
‘ 
fs t f 
i F i 
oe i 
. T 
& i i , 
" ao ; 
te ‘ 
5 . 2 
¢ ~ 
ie v. f 
{ iy 
, i 
* ~~ 
y F} a 
ok “ i ae 4 v 
4 
z 4 
a | j ‘ ‘- Vc 
’ t i = 
t a nas Wes ~ . e Us ’ i eas | ‘ 
¢ f j ; ; 2 A = 
| ; 1 Oe PY s pea e ey 
f. : i j i h ca 4 _ 
i j - t4 {4 Lr 
t<. ov vf i 7 
i, on i 
oe : s: Wh he y i. ; 
ae f ee Co ms et! 
as Sa e 
:? vn, ol Sy ers T ok " 
e # at 3 ‘or ae rv. 
P ° 4 a e / Qn ye ; ~v ‘ ae 4 
;> ea, } , - ae oP a Re al hn 


a 4 ws r? 





THE NEGRO PROGRAM 





issues of political equality, social equality and economic equality. Let 
one be denied and the whole principle of racial equality is denied. 

“The fostering of race pride by the dissemination of the true facts 
concerning the negro’s contributions to modern civilization and the pre- 
dominant part played in the ancient world by this great race of ours. 

“Organized and uncompromising opposition to the Ku Klux Klan and 
all other movements or tendencies inimical to the interests of the negro 
masses. To effectively oppose the bigotry and prejudice of the Ku Klux 
Klan we must(a) organize the negro masses; (b) create a strong negro 
federation out of the existing organizations that we may present a United 
Front; and (c) for the purpose of fighting the Klan ally ourselves with 
all groups opposed by its vicious activities, viz.; the workers, including 
the Jewish and Catholic workers. As, for the purpose of throwing off our 
oppression, the enemies of the capitalist system are our natural allies by 
virtue of being in the same camp and opposed to the same enemy, so the 
enemies of the Klan are our friends in that they fight the foe we fight. The 
negro masses must get out of their minds the stupid idea that it is necessary 
for two groups to love each other before they can enter into an alliance 
against their common enemy. Not love or hatred, but identity of interests 
at the moment, dictates the tactics of practical people. 

“Rapprochement and fellowship within the darker races and within 
the class-conscious and revolutionary white workers. For the purpose of 
waging an effective struggle and of weakening our enemies, we must (a) 
establish fellowship and coordination of action within the darker masses 
and (b) between these masses and the truly class-conscious white workers 
who seek the abolition of the capitalist system that oppresses and exploits 
alike black and white workers, and must, therefore, necessarily work toward 
the same end as we, whether they consciously will to help us or not. By 
seeking the abolition of the capitalist states, which are instruments of the 
capitalist-imperialists for the exploitation of the workers in the colonies and 
at home and the maintenance of the supremacy of the capitalist class, the 
class-conscious white workers must perforce contribute to cur complete 
liberation, even as in 1863 the white workers in the Northern States of the 
United States contributed to our partial liberation because of their fight 
against the slave power competition of the South, and in fairness to large 
masses of revolutionary workers who acknowledge the leadership of the 
Third International, it is well to state that the Third International has em- 
phatically ordered its members to help the darker races and all other op- 
pressed peoples in their struggles for complete liberation. 

“Industrial development along genuine cooperative lines whereby the 
benefits will be equally distributed among the masses participating, and 
not hogged by a few big stockholders and dishonest and inefficient officials 
drawing exorbitant salaries. The African Blood Brotherhood is sternly op- 
posed to the grafting of individuals and corporation enterprises upon mass 
movements for the reasons that (a) such procedure is manifestly dishonest 
and misleading. Enterprises supported by mass movements should be of 
such a nature as to equally benefit every one in the movement, not merely 


[191] 


REDS IN AMERICA 





a handful of officials; (b) The African Blood Brotherhood does not con- 
sider any commercial enterprise good enough to base the second liberation 
movement upon the mere chances of its success or failure. No movement 
so based can long survive the collapse of its commercial enterprises. We 
believe in fostering and encouraging cooperative enterprises that will bene- 
fit the many rather than the few, but without basing the movement upon 
them. 

“Higher wages for negro labor, lower rents. To gain for negro labor 
the full reward of its toil and to prevent capitalist exploitation either on 
the job or at the source of supplies we must encourage industrial unionism 
among our people and at the same time fight to break down the barriers 
which capitalist-stimulated prejudice has created against us in the trade 
unions. These barriers are already meeting the attack of the radical and 
progressive element among white union men and must eventually give way 
before the united onslaught of black and white workers marching to attack 
with the stirring slogan: 
| “Workers of the world, unite! You have nothing to lose but your 
chains! You have a world to gain!’ 


“A united negro front with which to oppose the united front of the 
white capitalists organized under the guise of chambers of commerce, Ku 
Klux Klan, American Legion, American Defense Society, ete. This can 
be done only by bringing all negro organizations into a federation with 
a program to which any decent negro organization could subscribe. Their 
identity could not be lost. Their autonomy practically unimpaired.” 


This interesting document was read to the convention on August 20, 
and discussed. A special committee had been previously appointed to con- 
sider the negro question ‘and its work and after deliberation drew up on a 
single page a program for work by the Communist party, with official ap- 
proval, giving an interesting light on the methods employed by the illegal 
organization in stirring up strife and cementing radicals. This program 
reads as follows: 


“Victory of the workers can be achieved only by geniune and effective 
solidarity. Such solidarity is impossible of attainment as long as race 
antagonism befuddles the minds of the workers, dividing them into hostile 
camps, thus rendering them an easy prey to the machinations and tyranny 
of their capitalist oppressors. 

“Race prejudice is an evil and menaces the workers’ cause. It must, 
therefore, be combated resolutely and persistently in all of its baneful forms. 
The leaders of the working class must wage a relentless war against race 
segregation, disfranchisement, peonage and lynching. 

“The negro masses should be led to see the similarity between their 
race struggle and the struggle of the entire working class. The white work- 
ers, on the other hand, should be shown that the class struggle of the workers 
regardless of race is one great battle against a common enemy, and that to 
win, they must support the oppressed races in their struggle against race 


[192] 





THE NEGRO PROGRAM 





persecution and aid them in their fight to secure political, industrial and 
social equality, without regard to race, color or creed. 


“At the present time, an organization is gaining a foothold in this 
country whose avowed purpose is to keep the negro down, and whose un- 
avowed object is to combat the revolutionary, radical and progressive 
elements of the working class. The Ku Klux Klan is a decided menace to 
the working class, and especially the negro. This organization is receiving 
oficial recognition in that candidates openly espousing its program are 
running for public office. It becomes imperative, therefore, that steps be 
taken to expose and fight this organization. 

“In order that the negro may be reached with education and propaganda 
and that he may be organized for activity, the following methods are rec- 
ommended: 


“1.—Nuclei shall be established in all existing negro organizations, 
such as fraternal, religious and labor organizations, cooperatives, tenant 
farmers’ leagues, etc. 

“2.—Colored organizers and speakers shall be sent among negroes in 
order to inform them and win their confidence. 

“3.—Newspapers and publications shall be established or, when this 
is not feasible, news service shall be established by friendly cooperation with 
colored newspapers of liberal tenets. 

“4.—Friendship of liberal-minded negro ministers shall be sought, as 
these men are at the present time the leaders of the negro masses and many 
of them are earnest but lack scientific knowledge. 

“9.—Conferences on the economic conditions among negroes shall be 
held from time to time with these ministers, educators and other liberal 
elements, and through their influence the party shall aim to secure a more 
favorable hearing before the negro masses. 

‘““6.—By means of its membership the party shall penetrate the existing 
forums, literary societies, lyceums, schools, colleges, teachers’ institutes, 
etc., of the colored people, and establish forums of its own for the enlight- 
enment of the negro population. 

“7.—Where other forms of activity are impossible or impracticable, 
as in certain Southern districts, cooperatives may be formed. 


“8.—The party shall penetrate existing anti-Ku Klux Klan organiza- 
tions and shall form organizations wherever none exist. As this is one of 
the most violent forms of suppression of the negro at the present time, 
the formation of such anti-Ku Klux Klan organizations shall be fostered 
with all energy.” 


As a result of this attitude on the part of the Communist party of 
America and the natural desire of the radical negroes who seek limelight 
and association with whites, there has been a marked increase in activity 
among the negro masses. The agitators are now touring the country, nuclei 
are being established in whatever organizations of negroes are found, re- 
ligious, political or social, and the red gospel of Communism is being 
preached. A similar movement had been carried out just before the race 


[193] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


riots that startled the country a few years ago. An Associated Negro Press 
was swung into line to carry inflammatory racial articles to the various 
radical negro newspapers. Some of the papers are not actually organs of 
the Communists but are trying desperately, by assuming a radical attitude, 
to become the recognized organs in order to receive some financial support 
from the Communist funds. Recently an editorial was printed in one such 
paper, which could have no other purpose than to stir up strife exactly as 
the Communists wish. This editorial was entitled, “An Eye for an Eye,” 
and read in part: 


“The truth about conditions in the South is coming out bit by bit. 
Lynching must go. The news agencies dare not tell the truth. Back of 
every lynching, as expert investigators of lynchings and race riots know, 
is a cause traceable to the corrupt moral and political system of the South. 
There is hate and poison and venom in every one of us—and it is just 
hate and poison and venom! . . . What Southern negroes should do is 
to repay the crackers in their own bloody coin. An eye for an eye and a tooth 
for a tooth! Fight and agitate and lynch back, if need be!” 


Another radical negro paper prints an article on “The Passing of the 
World Robbers,” referring to the Christian Caucasian races which adopted 
“a topsy-turvy philosophy of life, out of harmony with nature,’ namely, 
the Christian religion. After two thousand years of this, the article says: 


ee The long road reaches a turn, and indications are that the 


hideous nightmare of twenty centuries is drawing to a close. From the 
ends of the world the whisper runs that the day of European vandalism is 
nearing its end and the children of the Far East, together with such of 
Europe’s sons as are susceptible to reform, will again administer the affairs 
of mankind and the civilization that was founded upon fraud and deception 
will be one with Nineveh and Tyre. Beyond the Carpathians, Russia, 
mother of the New Day, sits nursing the Infant Era. . . . World 
brigands, humanity greets your passing with a sigh of relief. Good-bye, 
good luck, G————— you!” 


Another paper prints a paragraph, reading, “Hail the Revolution! 
Long live the people! Down with the capitalist domination and exploita- 
tion of Africa and Asia! The dawn’s in the East!” 


As a result of the Bridgman raid there came to light an interesting 
document from Moscow, signed by the “Executive Committee of the Com- 
munist International,” Bukharin, Radek and Kusinen, entitled “‘Concern- 
ing the Next Tasks of the Communist party of America.” It was carefully 
marked “not for publication.” In this document the Communists are in- 
structed to stir up racial strife, not only among the negroes, but between 
nations. It urges the Reds to foment distrust between the American nation 
and the British, the Japanese, the French, and between any two or all 
four, in the hope that this will lead to war and thus to destruction of 
capitalist nations which will open still wider the way for Communism. 
They order that the class struggle be continued with increasing intensity 


[194] 


THE NEGRO PROGRAM 


in order, among other things, to relieve the pressure upon Soviet Russia. 
They insist that new and more impossible demands be made upon the 
Government of the United States, not in the hope of their being granted, 
but that may furnish additional grounds for propaganda and attacks upon 
the Government and thus intensify the class struggle. Suggestions are made 
of subjects upon which the demands may be based and the fight waged. 


This document, smuggled by an authorized Soviet courier into this 
country for the guidance of the Communists here as commanded from Mos- 
cow, is cleverly constructed, full of suggestive hints, orders the establish- 
ment of what has become the Workers’ party, contains reprimands for 
mistakes made by the Communists in the past, and plans for the future. 
It was taken to Bridgman by J. Lovestone and reads as follows: 


“In the earlier stages, the Communist movement usually lacks the 
broad, directing viewpoint from which can be found the guide-posts for 
its various steps. Inexperienced Communists, for example, attack imperial- 
ism only in general, in its universal aspect, without exact information 
and minute attention to the unique manifestations of imperialism within 
the given country. They do not in any way direct their attacks for the 
purpose of playing up against each other the antagonistic interests of vari- 
ous imperialistic groups. Also, the representatives of false tendencies in 
the labor movement they attack in general terms, with indiscriminate 
battle cries having perhaps the desired application to some, but having 
in regard to others perhaps the exact opposite of the desired result. In a 
word, they strike around with their eyes closed, against all opponents of 
Communism in the same manner as against all opponents of their own 
narrow Communist groups. They fight as a little sect fights against the 
entire outer world. ? 

“Such primitive methods of battle, even when combined with the 
greatest zeal and heroism, are not dangerous to the enemies of Communism. 

“The Communists begin to be effective in the political struggle only 
when they adopt concrete strategic aims for their movement based upon 
a thorough examination of the facts. With a determination, purposeful drive 
to these aims, with the subjection of every phase of our movement to 
this principle, our movement begins to be effective. 

In order to assist the American comrades in working out and for- 
mulating their line of action, the Executive Committee of the Communist 
International proposes for their examination the following main points: 


“1.—As the greatest force opposing the proletarian world revolution 
appears at the present moment to be the counter-revolutionary world alliance 
of American, English, French and Japanese capitalism, it is of vital inter- 
est to the proletarian revolutionary movement to work against the estab- 
lishment and consolidation of this alliance, to attack its advocates most 
ruthlessly, to cut its tap root, if possible, to disturb its growing unceasingly, 
and, adroitly to make use of the conflicting interests within it. The narrow 
nationalism of the American Japanophobes and Anglophobes is not liberal 
or humanitarian nor friendly to labor, and is not in the slightest degree 


[195] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


more acceptable to us than was the attempted bourgeois nationalism of the 
League of Nations. And yet, to the extent of its own cupidity, it really 
hinders and disturbs the process of uniting the counter-revolutionary forces 
in the capitalist world. To the extent that this narrow nationalism (Japan- 
ophobia and Anglophobia) attacks and tends to smash the outside world- 
robbers (and also, let us hope, to smash itself) —to this extent it is doing the 
historic work of self-destruction of the capitalist world system; and in this 
work it must not be hindered by us. Therefore, though we will not, in the 
role of social-patriots, help the chauvinists in their predatory ventures, 
we will make use of chauvinistic blindness on behalf of the proletarian 
revolution. 

“2.—Soviet Russia, as the mainspring of the international revolution- 
ary movement of the proletariat, must be supported in every way. It must 
be supported with economic help through the self-sacrifice of the workers 
of all countries. And, most of all, it must be helped through the class 
strugele of the workers in all capitalist countries against their own bour- 
geoisies. The fiercer the class struggle of the American proletariat rages, 
the less will be the pressure of the international counter-revolution upon 
Soviet Russia. In this respect the Communists must learn how to make use 
of the conflicting interests of the various factions of the bourgeoisie, how 
to turn the greed of the bourgeoisie for profits, and how to exploit the 
various tendencies growing out of greedy speculation, to the advantage 
of the Russian Revolution, and thus to the advantage of the proletarian 
world revolution. 

“3.—The prerequisite of victory for the working class is that the 
working class unite itself for the class struggle. To bring about this 
unification, isolated action participated in solely by Communists will not 
suffice. It is necessary to bring about common mass action of workers 
who are not yet Communists. For this purpose the Communists must 
penetrate the working masses to the utmost, must work together with them, 
must live and fight with them and lead them forward in both major and 
minor battles. The uniting of the workers in general class-struggle organi- 
zations, and the joining of the various ones of those organizations into close 
relationships—this and not merely to attain Communist purity and per- 
fection of program—is the task now facing the Communist party of 
America. The consciousness of the working masses is naturally very un- 
clear at this time, half-bourgeois, and undeveloped from the standpoint 
of the revolutionary vanguard. But, generally speaking, it will develop 
more clearly only during the process of the struggle itself against the 
bourgeoisie and through experience in the general class struggle organiza- 
tions. 

“As a matter of course, not all organizations to which workers belong 
can be used as instruments of the proletarian class struggle, just as not 
every action of the worker can further the struggle. But the question of 
the possibilities of given organizations must be examined and judged on 
its own merits in each case. It is unthinkable, for instance, that a colossal 
trade union organization such as the American Federation of Labor could 


[196] 


THE NEGRO PROGRAM 


be composed entirely of enemies of the working class, as are such capital- 
ist organizations as the Ku Klux Klan or the various professional strike- 
breaking bodies. Here a distinction must always be made between the 
reactionary, traitorous leadership and the unconsciously petty-bourgeois- 
minded mass which we have to win. And just so, one must not consider 
any mass movement of the unemployed, no matter how primitive, faltering 
and unclear, as being hopelessly and permanently under bourgeois influence. 
The general elections, in which hundreds of thousands of workers take part, 
cannot be rejected as being merely a peaceful movement with which the 
Communists will have nothing to do. Further, certain mass organizations, 
which not only are not communistic, but are not proletarian in composition, 
must be utilized. by Communist strategy for the benefit of the proletarian 
class struggle. As, for instance, the existing mass movements of small far- 
mers (who are, in a sense, semi-proletarian), and even movements of 
middle-class farmers under some circumstances. Another instance is the 
negro mass movement for racial betterment, which movement often at- 
tempts deliberately to avoid proletarian class character but must include 
great masses of toilers. Communist strategy must utilize these movements 
as auxiliary forces, or, at least, must win them to benevolent neutrality in 
the class war. 

“4.—In the present period of the dissolution of the capitalist system, 
the most important tasks of the Communists of all capitalist countries is 
the revolutionizing of the proletarian class struggle. The fighting pro- 
letariat is to be led from one stage to another in the revolutionizing 
process by means of suitable slogans. They must help the proletariat to free 
itself from the illusions and false traditions that limit its vision and fetter 
its activities and to counteract the fossilizing influence of the trade union 
bureaucracy. One must organize the proletariat for the historic training 
school, in which it will learn to become the conqueror of capitalism. 

“Only the Communist party can do this. The organization and train- 
ing of the Communist party as leader of the revolutionary movement is, 
therefore, the fundamental task of the Communists. 

“The Communists must now take the lead in the struggle against the 
reduction of wages. This struggle, in its various forms, is especially 
adapted for uniting the largest masses of workers in one organization for 
the common struggle. The conservative labor leaders will find them- 
selves placed in a most difficult position through this struggle, where they 
will soon be forced plainly to unmask their cowardly wobbling and their 
treacherous role, and where they will bring upon themselves the wrath of 
the struggling workers. In America almost nothing has been done so far 
in this direction, but it must be done thoroughly before one can ever think 
of the victory of the working class in the revolutionary struggle. 

“The organization of the unemployed is an equally important and difh- 
cult task. In this movement, just as much as in all other minor batiles, the 
Communists must select their slogans according to the circumstances, and 
intensify them as much as possible, from the immediate needs of the 
day to the general worker’s control of capital-industry. Right now they 


[197] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


must make a special demand for state support of the unemployed out of the 
military budget. 

“The Communist party must remember that it is not its purpose to 
reform the capitalist state. The purpose of the Communist is, on the con- 
trary, to cure the working masses of their reformistic illusions, through 
bitter experience. Demands upon the state for immediate concessions to the 
workers must be made, not after the fashion of the Social-Democratic 
parties, which try to make those demands within the limits which the 
state can grant them while retaining its strength intact. Communist demands 
for immediate concessions to the workers are formulated, not to be ‘reason- 
able’ from the point of view of capitalism, but to be reasonable from 
the point of view of the struggling workers, regardless of the state’s 
power to grant them without weakening itself. Thus, for instance, 
a demand for payment out of the Government treasury, of full union 
standard wages for millions of unemployed workers is highly reasonable 
from the point of view of the unemployed workers but damaging from 
the point of view of the capitalistic state and the capitalistic wage competi- 
tion which the state defends. 

“We suggest a few examples of the type of demands that may be made. 
It must be clearly understood that those are merely examples for illustra- 
tion, and are not binding, nor are they to be concretely regarded even as 
advised by the Comintern. 

“‘1.—That all combinations or agreements having the purpose of re- 
ducing the rate of wages or the purpose of common action against labor 
organizations, shall be made in law a criminal conspiracy. 

“2.—That no injunction shall be issued against workers for activities 
toward raising the rate of wages or reducing the hours of labor. 

“3.—A constitutional amendment forbidding such laws as the Kansas 
Industrial Court Law. 

‘“4.—A constitutional provision guaranteeing the unlimited right of 
peaceful picketing. 

“5.—For disarming of all private detective cops in strike regions, or 
elsewhere. All organizations for the purpose of forming armed bodies 
to engage in activities against strikers to be declared criminal conspiracy. 

“6,—That no process of law, criminal or otherwise shall be allowed 
forcibly to detain any regularly elected labor union official from his 
union duties during the process of a labor dispute. 

“7 Constitutional amendment forbidding the use of military or naval 
forces in any matter connected with a labor dispute. 

“8.—Legal provision for the maintenance of order in strike regions 
by the appointment of members of the labor unions involved, such members 
to be nominated by the labor organizations, and armed from the public 
supplies for the purpose of maintaining order during the period of the 
strike. 

“Q.—Constitutional provision abolishing the United States Labor Board 
and prohibiting the Executive to interfere in labor disputes. 

*10.—Favoring a close alliance of the United Mine Workers of 


[198] 


a 





THE NEGRO PROGRAM 


America with the railroad brotherhoods and all other unions, for common 
action to raise the standard of living of all workers in both industries. 

“11—General amnesty for all persons imprisoned as a result of strikes 
or other incidents of the labor struggle. General amnesty for all persons 
convicted of crime in any way relating to the labor movement, or into whose 
criminal trial any evidence was offered against the defendant regarding the 
latter’s views of the class struggle or political views. General amnesty for 
all prisoners convicted of political offences. 

“12.—For the Plumb plan, amended to give labor a majority of 
directors. 

“13.—Immediate bonus of $500 to every soldier or sailor enlisted in 
the United States forces during the World War; $1000 to those having 
been granted wound stripes. A payment of $5000 (in addition to all 
payments otherwise provided for) to the dependent of every soldier or 
sailor who died in the service during the war period. Funds for this 
purpose to be taken from military and naval budgets, respectively. 

“14.—For the unrestricted rights of soldiers and sailors to organize 
in unions. Immunity for all grievance committees of private soldiers 
or sailors. No private soldier or sailor to be judged by a court-martial 
except composed entirely of private soldiers or sailors elected for the pur- 
pose within the military unit concerned. 

“15.—Absolute prohibition of foreclosures upon farm property for 
debts. 

“16.—For national credit, to the full value of his farm, to every 
farmer holding less than $20,000 worth of farm property, the money to be 
advanced out of the national treasury at interest to cover the cost of 
the loan transaction. | 

“17.—For national credit, to the full extent of their holdings, to 
all farm cooperatives, on the same basis. 

“18.—National monopoly, and operation at cost, of all grain elevators 
except those in the hands of bona fide farmers’ cooperatives, or which in 
future may be established by such organizations. 

“19.—The liquidation of the Ku Klux Klan, invoking the criminal 
conspiracy laws in prosecuting all persons connected with the organization. 

“90.—-Condemnation of the Washington Conference as a preparation for 
a new World War. Condemnation of the imperialistic partitioning of the 
Far East and other regions for exploitation. 

“21.—Warning of World War to grow out of secret and other arrange- 
ments made in Washington Conference, condemnation of this in advance 
as imperialistic War. 

“99 For the immediate recognition and unrestricted trade with Soviet 
Russia. For the re-establishment of postal agreement with Russia. 

“These and other similar demands must be considered only as start- 
ing points for broader, sharper, more universal slogans. In their agitation 
the Communists must point out that the problems will not be solved through 
these measures, but that we support these demands of the masses so that 
the very course of events itself may unmask the capitalist state and the 


[199] 





REDS IN AMERICA 





opponents of the working class, and prove to the masses the necessity of 
the final struggle for power against the capitalist state itself. In this 
unmasking process, the Communist must make use of every device to 
discredit the opposition. At times they must develop a direct attack, brand 
every mistake, every crime, every refusal of the demands of the toiling 
masses and constantly demonstrate the solidarity and identity of the capital- 
ist class with the capitalist state. 


“The Communists must participate as revolutionists in all general 
election campaigns, municipal, state and congressional, as well as presi- 
dential. Not in the same manner as the social-traitors and centrists, 
not in order to avoid violent revolution and substitute parliamentary 
activity for revolution, but, on the other hand, in order to use even the 
election campaigns to revolutionize the workers and lead them forward, 
to sharpen their class consciousness and to bring them together and unite 
them under Communist leadership. Class conscious, courageous and wise 
Communists, as elected representatives of the worker, can always find 
the possibility in the various institutions of the bourgeois state, in one 
way or another, to give effective object lessons to revolutionize the working 
class. Besides the Communist party can conceal its underground appara- 
tus and develop it very effectively within the outer framework of the legal 
campaign organization and the election activities. 


“In all these minor struggles, as well as in the final revolutionary 
battle of the proletariat, the party organization must be the leader of the 
struggling workers. 


“Its weapons are manifold and vary, according to the situation, from 
entirely legal propaganda, from election campaigns, from modest movements 
for increase of wages and from peaceful demonstrations to the revolutionary 
strike and to the various forms of revolutionary class struggle. 


“In agitation and propaganda Communists cannot be satisfied with 
mere dogmatic presentation of Communist principles of the propagandizing 
of the armed struggle under all circumstances. They must not permit them- 
selves to appear to the masses as fanatic bomb enthusiasts who know nothing 
about the realities of life. They must understand how to lead the working 
masses from the struggle for the satisfaction of their first concrete needs 
on to such a battle that the struggling masses themselves will begin to believe 
in success and victory. : 


“The legal party press is under all circumstances a most important 
weapon to the Communist party. Just as the political movement of the 
workers of America has remained very backward in regard to matters of 
organization, so the revolutionary labor press is also as yet very weak. 
Its development is at the present moment the most urgent task of the party. 
As long as the party does not possess at least one or two legal dailies in 
the English language it is still crawling around on all fours. The party 
must do everything in its power in order to secure decided influence and 
direct or indirect control over as many existing papers of various labor 
organizations as possible. Especially it must try to win control over the 


» ind 


[200] 





THE NEGRO PROGRAM 


lzbor union press. In addition, the party must publish an illegal official 
organ. 

“All good possibilities of both the legal and illegal activities must 
be utilized by the party energetically. He who wants to liquidate the 
illegal activities is no Communist at all, and neither is that type of con- 
spirator who does not want to know anything about legal activities. 

“Under existing circumstances it is impossible for the Communist party 
in the United States to be a legal party. Of course the party can develop 
open labor organizations. It can even build a legal revolutionary workers’ 
organization. It can even also launch a legal revolutionary Labor party. 
It must launch also such legal party, with the purpose that the Communists 
can openly enter its ranks without permitting the police to know which 
of the members are Communists and which are not. But the underground 
organization whose membership consists entirely of Communists must not 
be liquidated. On the contrary, it must be built ever firmer and stronger. 
It must guide and control the legal revolutionary party through its mem- 
bers. Every Communist, that is, every member of the underground party, 
must submit to an iron discipline and must act in accordance with the 
directions of the leading organs of the underground party in all legal as 
well as illegal activities. 

“As a matter of course, all real Communists in the United States 
will subscribe to this. The Executive of the Communist International knows 
that the Minority of the Party Executive does not deny the advisability 
of taking advantage of legal opportunities, although this Minority opposes 
the rapid and energetic procedure of the Majority in founding the legal 
revolutionary party. The distinction is, in the judgment of the Executive 
Committee of the Comintern, without good ground. The fact that the 
Party Executive is proceeding rapidly and energetically with the formation 
of the legal party organization is not a fault. It would have been a fault to 
wait with the launching of the legal party until the underground organiza- 
tion had developed ‘sufficient strength’ The development of the under- 
ground organization can best be furthered through these very activities 
of its members in the ranks of the legal party. Historic progress is not 
such a simple matter as to leave us the liberty first to complete the develop- 
ment of the underground party apparatus, and only then to begin the 
building of the legal party organization. In this manner the very best 
opportunities for the launching of the legal party would be lost. 

“The centrists would have a free field for their efforts at founding 
an independent opportunist party. This opportunity must not be left to 
them. The Communist party must take the initiative in the formation of 
the new legal party and must take the control firmly into its own hands. 
It must be careful to assure itself the actual control over all the leading 
organs of the legal party. For this reason the legal organization must take 
the permanent form of a party organization. Some other loose organization 
form would be very much more difficult to control and to guide. Further- 
more, the development of a solidly organized legal party, in which members 
of the Communist party have at least the majority on all important com- 


[201] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


mittees, will make possible the control of still other anti-capitalistic organ- 
izations through this legal party. 

“For the foregoing reasons we draw your attention to the following 
for your guidance: 

“1. The Communist party of America is as yet far from having sat- 
isfactory connections with the masses. The means of contact must be con- 
structed with the greatest possible speed. 

“2. Connection with the masses essentially implies a public operation. 
Secret operations, even with the widest possible ramifications, cannot be 
satisfactory mass operations. The means of public contact with the masses 
must be principally: 


“a.—A legal press, including at least one daily English legal news- 

paper, acting with the necessary disguise as a central party organ. 
“b.—Organized grouping of sympathizers within the trade unions. 
“c—An overground political party. 


“3. Certain indispensable accompaniments to the highest developed 
capitalist form of society leaves weaknesses in the capitalist structure that 
have to be taken advantage of by a Communist party of action. The 
Government of the United States will not now permit a ‘Communist Party’ 
to exist but it is compelled to permit ‘parties’ to exist in an almost un- 
restricted variety, for the purpose of its own preservation. The capitalist 
class builds its regime upon the rock foundation—the mass illusion—that 
social questions are solved in the sphere in which these parties operate. 
The state attempts, wherever it can, to exclude a truly proletarian revolu- 
tionary party from the public field. It attempts first, to exterminate the 
revolutionary party into subservience to capitalist law which makes revolu- 
tion impossible, or third, at least to confine the revolutionary party’s 
operations to the narrow sphere that can be reached secretly. 

“A Communist party must defeat all these attempts. It must not be 
exterminated. It must unequivocally refuse to obey capitalist law, and 
must urge the working class to the violent destruction of the entire legal 
machinery. It is equally the duty of a Communist party to defeat by any 
means that may be necessary, the capitalist government’s attempt to con- 
fine the revolutionary party to the underground channels in which it is even 
more concealed from the masses than it is from the government. 

“4. The program of the legal party will have to be somewhat 
restricted. Special measures and slogans which, while not stating the 
illegal Communist purpose, will objectively have the revolutionary effect 
upon the masses, must be adopted. The Legal party must at all times, go 
as far toward the Communist program as possible while continuing a legal 
existence. 

“5. The entire membership of the underground party, the real Com- 
munist party, must join the open party and become its most active element. 
Communist party members must, at all times, hold the positions of leader- 
ship in the Legal party. In addition to the entire Communist party member- 
ship, the Legal party should admit to its ranks the more advanced workers 


[202] 


THE NEGRO PROGRAM 


who accept the principle of the class struggle, and the abolition of capital- 
ism through the establishment of the workers’ power. Working class organ- 
izations that subscribe to these principles can be admitted to or affiliated 
with the Legal party, as a body, within the judgment of the central 
executive committee of the Communist party. 

“6. The Executive of the Communist International has resolved to 
support the position of the majority of the Central Executive Committee 
of the Communist Party of America in favor of the immediate construction 
of a legal political party on a national scale, which will act as an instru- 
ment of the illegal Communist party for participation in legal activities, 
such as electoral campaigns, etc. The executive of the Comintern takes this 
position after having been informed that the Minority of the Executive 
Committee of the Communist party of America accepts ‘in principle’ the 
tactic of the legal work of various sorts at the present time, but rejects the 
tactic of the immediate construction of a legal political party on a national 
scale with the Communist party membership as its nucleus. The ruling of 
the Communist International must be accepted as obligating every mem- 
ber of the Communist party of America, minority or majority, to work 
diligently in the immediate construction of a legal political party. As a 
rule, party members who fail to participate whole-heartedly in the legal 
work, or who sabotage that work must leave the party. 

“7, But in carrying out these instructions, the party must guard itself 
against the tendency to repudiate or neglect the illegal work—the tendency 
to become legal in fact as well as in outward appearance. This tendency 
will be found especially among ‘intellectual’ party members who have 
little experience in the brutal physical phases of the class struggle to 
which the rank and file workers are always exposed, but from which the 
intellectuals engaged in legal political work are sometimes shielded. Upon 
finding themselves in the easier life of legal activities, many will forget that 
no matter what manoeuvres may be made upon the public stage, the final 
class struggle must be, until its end, a brutal fight of the physical force. 
A certain element of the party membership will inevitably forget this funda- 
mental principle (which no humble worker in the class struggle is allowed 
to forget) and will come forward with naive proposals for liquidating 
the illegal machinery of the party. Such tendency is very dangerous to a 
proletarian revolutionary party. The actual liquidation of the underground 
party would mean the liquidation of the revolutionary movement. Party 
members who persist in such a view must be ruthlessly expelled from 
the illegal party. 

“8. The underground organization of the Communist party must not 
sink into disuse, but, on the contrary, must constantly extend its illegal 
machinery further and further, in proportion to the growth of the illegal 
party. While coming out in the open, the Communist party must not make 
the mistake of being trapped in the open by exposing its national or dis- 
trict Communist party headquarters, records or illegal machinery, its un- 
derground printing arrangements or the personnel of its Central Executive 
Committee. The central executive committee headquarters (of the party 


[203] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


proper) must continue to be guarded in secrecy (and even the problem of 
redoubling its security from discovery should be constantly studied). The 
underground machinery of the Communist party is not merely for emer- 
gencies, but for constant and permanent use. Down to the lowest unit— 
the group of ten—every branch and stem of the party structure must 
continue to keep its secret addresses and meeting places and to use these in 
constant underground functioning. Every member, no matter what his work 
is in the legal party, must also perform his duties in the underground 
organization. 

“OQ. The party underground press must continue. The means of pub- 
lishing unknown to and in spite of the capitalist authorities must be always 
kept in hand and in use. Under bourgeois rule, no matter how ‘liberal’ 
it may be, a Communist party must never relinquish its facilities for under- 
ground press and, under the circumstances now prevailing in the United 
States, the active functioning of the underground press cannot be abated. But 
it would be foolish to print any considerable amount of literature under- 
ground that could be printed legally. The legal political party will be able 
to take upon itself the printing of a large portion of the literature that is 
not definitely illegal. It may also be made sponsor for a great many legal 
Communist newspapers. Legal newspapers must form a very large part 
of the work of a mass party. The illegal press must carry the propaganda 
that the legal press cannot carry, thus making sure that the full Communist 
message is made clear at all times. 

“10. The intellectual workers in these legal institutions of the party 
must be subject to the same discipline, wage scale and regulations as under- 
ground party workers. It must always be remembered that the real revolu- 
tionary party—the American section of the Third International—is the Com- 
munist party of America and that the Legal party is but an instrument 
which it uses to better carry on its work among the masses. Only through 
membership in the American Section—the Communist party of America— 
can American workers become members of the Communist International. 


“Dear Comrades: It would be entirely useless to quarrel over the ques- 
tion whether extensive or intensive methods are preferable in your Com- 
munist work. You must learn how to make a practical combination of both 
of these methods under all circumstances. Unite for your common work, not 
for the liquidation of either the legal or illegal revolutionary activity but 
for the liquidation of the really damaging liquidation tendencies of the 
labor movement. 

“It is, as a matter of course, very necessary that you make all prepara- 
tion in your underground party convention for the public convention at 
which the legal Revolutionary Party is to be launched. But before as well 
as after the party convention the minority members of the party executive 
must submit to the decision of the majority loyally and without question. 
Without this party discipline, Communist party activities are impossible. 
The Party Central Committee must, of course, understand how to train the 
party membership sensibly and practically for the observance of the party 


[204] 





THE NEGRO PROGRAM 


discipline, and, generally, for the centralization of party activities. It must 
understand and it must constantly learn still better how to lead the entire 
organization. On the other hand, it is the duty of every member to support 
the authority of the party executive. It is foolish and harmful, for instance 
if factional opposition accuses the party executive of oppressing the foreign 
language organizations. You must make an end of such accusations, com- 
rades. 

“We hope that in your coming party convention, all of you will give 
evidence, in your resolutions and actions, of firm, organic unity, and that 
your party will prove its ability to measure up to the great responsibilities 
that stand before it. 

“With Communist greetings, 

“Executive Committee of the Communist International. 


“(Signed) N. BUKHARIN, 


K. RADEK, 
O. W. KUSINEN, 
Secretary.” 


[205] 





CHAPTER THIRTEEN. 


PRESENT STATUS OF THE BRIDGMAN CASES 


After a number of delays and postponements the first of the cases arising 
out of the Bridgman raid, that of William Z. Foster, was called at St. Joseph, 
Michigan, March 12, 1923. Nearly the first week was devoted to securing 
a jury. The trial ended on April 6th. After being out a little over 31 
hours, the foreman advised the court it would be impossible to arrive at a 
cree and the jury was discharged. It had stood six to six from the first 

allot. 

The second case, that of Charles E. Ruthenberg, was called for trial 
April 16th. Less time was required to secure a jury and less time, in the 
trial of the case. The jury after being out for a few hours returned a ver- 
dict of guilty. The defendant filed notice of an appeal and pending decision 
of the Supreme Court, was admitted to bail. The main contention upon 
which appeal was based was that the criminal syndicalist law of Michigan, 
under which Ruthenberg was found guilty, is unconstitutional. Up to this 
time, (February Ist, 1924) the Supreme Court has not handed down its 
decision. 

The question has often been asked “Why was conviction secured in 
the case of Ruthenberg and not in the case of Foster?” 

The State probably had the weakest case against Foster than it did 
against any of the defendants. In the first place, Foster was not arrested 
on the ground but was arrested later in his Chicago offices. He insisted 
then, and on the witness stand, that he was not a member of the Communist 
party and Ruthenberg, who was on the stand as a witness in Foster’s defense, 
swore Foster was not a member of that organization. It was shown by 
evidence that while Foster was at the Bridgman convention held by the 
State to have been an illegal gathering under the law, and took part in the 
proceedings by making an address, he left the convention before the adop- 
tion of the resolution which the State largely depended upon to show the 
character and purpose of the meeting. 

To understand the contentions of the prosecution, the following from 
the open statement of Hon. O. L. Smith, assistant attorney general for 
Michigan who headed the State’s counsel is apropos. Mr. Smith said: 

“That the members of the jury may have clearly in mind at the outset 
of this case, the fact issues involved in the prosecution, I desire to make a 
statement, as short as possible, of the facts upon which the prosecution 
will ask the conviction of the defendant, William Z. Foster. I wish to call 
attention to the statute under which this prosecution is brought. Criminal 


[207] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


syndicalism is defined as the doctrine which advocates crime, sabotage, 
violénce or other unlawful methods of terrorism as a means of accomplish- 
ing industrial or political reforms. Advocacy of this doctrine is the crime 
prohibited by the statute. Under the statute it is our contention that this 
prohibited doctrine may be advocated: 


“First, by word of mouth or writing; 

“Second, by printing, publishing, editing, knowingly circulating, books, 
papers, documents or written matter in any form containing and advocating 
the prohibited doctrine; 

“Fourth; by organizing, helping to organize, become a member of, or 
voluntarily assembling with, any society, group or assemblage of persons 
formed to teach and advocate the prohibited doctrine. 

“Tt is under the fourth mentioned of advocacy of this prohibited il- 
legal doctrine, that the defendant William Z. Foster, is charged with violat- 
ing the Michigan law.” 


The defense took the position and brought evidence to sustain that 
position, that Foster, was not a member of the Communist party of Amer- 
ica which taught the proscribed doctrine; that he was not a delegate to this 
convention; that he was there as an invited guest and to make an address; 
and that the reason for his accepting the invitation and making the address 
was to secure the support of the gathering for his magazine Labor Herald. 
Further, that Foster’s whole work was in the interest of the working people; 
that he had been recognized as an able leader of the wage-earners, and to 
sustain this, considerable stress was laid on the fact that he headed the 
organization of the steel workers for the American Federation of Labor 
and was put in charge of the activities of that organization when the strike 
was called. 


Again, the State up to the taking of testimony, was deceived as to the 
probable nature of the defense. For some weeks previous to the calling of 
the case, the defense had taken a large number of depositions throughout 
the country, all of which were to sustain the allegation that the raid and 
finding of the illegal and incriminating documents was a “frame-up” on the 
part of the government and private detective agencies. Much publicity was 
given to all these depositions. However, when the case was called, no such 
depositions were offered in evidence, and the defence based its whole case 
on the grounds that Foster was not a member of the Communist party that 
even if he was, the Communist party was not an illegal organization but 
was merely a group of people who believed in carrying government owner- 
ship to its ultimate conclusion, that is, the “socialization” of all industries. 
The defense took special care to leave the impression that in the “‘social- 
ization” process, the lands of the small farmers were not to be involved. 
This was done because a majority on the jury were farmers. The defense 
laid great stress on the fact that the prosecution was only “persecution of a 
well known labor leader.” The contention, no doubt, had great weight 
with a number of the jurors. 

Then again there was a woman on the jury. This is not to question 


[208] 


PRESENT STATUS OF THE BRIDGMAN CASES 


the honesty or integrity of this woman juror but she was evidently more or 
less emotional. Her sympathies were successfully aroused. She was made 
to believe that Foster was a high-minded person, working at great personal 
sacrifice, to aid the “struggling masses.” From her training, her environ- 
ment, her surroundings, her innate honesty of purpose, she was unable to 
grasp from the mass of testimony that Foster was heading a great conspiracy 
against civilization and Christianity. Because of her high-mindedness, she 
was wholly incapable of grasping the fact that here could be such a con- 
spiracy. 

The prosecution was not as well versed in communism, its purposes, 
methods plans and ideas, as was the defense. This enabled the defense, 
often skillfully, to steer shy of dangerous grounds and avoid the injection 
of dangerous utterances. The rather verbose and weighty language em- 
ployed by the average communist writer went over the heads of a large 
number of the jurors. One must not overlook the fact that the jury was 
composed of twelve honest, sincere, loyal persons whose contact with the 
world had not been sufficiently extensive to enable them to grasp the serious- 
ness of the plans proposed by Communism. Being honest themselves, being 
loyal and patriotic, they could not be made to understand the utter dis- 
honesty and disloyalty of those who were guiding the destinies of the Com- 
munist party and all of its allied movements. 

In view of these facts, that there was a “hung jury” in the Foster case, 
is not surprising. It had not progressed two days in the taking of testi- 
mony, until it was the unanimous belief at the press table that a “hung 
jury” would result. 

With but a week intervening the case of Charles E. Ruthenberg was 
called. Here the evidence was stronger for the prosecution. Ruthenberg 
was arrested on the grounds. He admitted he was not only a member but 
an official of the Communist party of America, and while he disclaimed 
any purpose to change the government by “force, violence and acts of 
terrorism” he clearly indicated by his rather frank method of testifying, 
that he believed a “revolution” would be necessary to establish communism. 

The jury composed largely of farmers was a most intelligent body of 
men. They were alert; were not swayed by emotions and were ready to 
render their decision on the facts as they gained them from the evidence, and 
in accord with the law as laid down by the judge. 

In the Ruthenberg case the State was acquainted with the character of 
the defense. It had found the weak points of the defense in the Foster 
trial, and through more complete examination of the documents secured 
in the raid, was able to present this incriminating evidence in a manner 
which was more intelligible to the jury. As stated, the result was a con- 
viction of Ruthenberg after a few hours. 

In both cases the State was ably represented by Hon. O. L. Smith, 
Assistant Attorney General; Charles W. Gore, Country Prosecuting Attorney; 
Charles Bookwalter, Assistant County Prosecuting Attorney, and Max Burger, 
a government expert on the doctrines of Communism, and whose knowl- 
edge of this subject was a material aid to the State. Credit should also 


[209] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


be given to the government agents who took part in the raid and were 
called as witnesses for the State. Special credit should go to Frank Morrow, 
known as “K 97,” whose cleverness enabled him to become an accredited 
delegate to this Convention and who was able to convey information to the 
government that the meeting was to occur. The raid and _ prosecutions 


followed. 


[210] 


CHAPTER FOURTEEN 


THE SHORTCOMINGS OF OUR LAWS 


An effort has been made to show, from documents of the Communist 
party of America and the “legal” branches of this organization, in what 
manner the Communist International of Moscow is endeavoring to bring 
about the overthrow of the Government of the United States by force of 
arms, and to what extent this conspiracy has progressed. There can be 
no misreading the aims and objects of this conspiracy, for the documents 
themselves frequently refer to the necessity for using “armed force,” to 
“armed insurrection,’ and to “violence” as the only means of attaining the 
end at which the Communists aim. The endeavor has also been made to 
show that many non-Communist organizations and individuals have aided 
and are aiding the movement through agitation, through contribution of 
funds, toward supporting trouble-makers and interfering with efforts to 
suppress radicalism. 

The Communist party of America has been declared officially to be an 
illegal organization. Because of this it has been necessary for this party to 
hold its annual conventions in secret, hiding in the woods, as was the case 
at Bridgman, with lookouts posted to give warning of the approach of of- 
ficers of the law. It has been necessary to use codes for communicating with 
one another in order to escape detection, and for each member of the illegal 
organization to have and use a fictitious name in order that identities may 
not be known. In view of the facts as they are known and provable with 
unimpeachable evidence, the question has naturally arisen, why doesn’t the 
Government wipe out this nest of vipers? The answer is simple, the Govern- 
ment has no power to do so. 

The Communists and radicals of every hue, seek refuge under the very 
laws they deride; they appeal to the laws they are trying to overthrow for 
protection from punishment for violations of those laws. Certain senators 
and members of Congress, certain judges on the bench, even on the Federal 
bench, and countless citizens of no official position, obsessed with the theory 
of “free speech,” are unable, or unwilling, to recognize the difference be- 
tween free speech and a conspiracy to overthrow the Government by armed 
revolution. Bills introduced in Congress are killed by an opposition which 
suddenly develops when any proposal is made to give the officers of the 
law adequate authority to protect the Government from conspiracies to effect 
its downfall. The Communists boast that they have members of Congress 
working for them and that they can prevent the passage of laws designed to 
curb radical activities. Senators are threatened with being reported to 


[211] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


Moscow unless they act thus and so. And known Communists go to 
Washington with perfect immunity and consult with senators and congress- 
men in their offices at the Capitol. 

Members of the Government at Washington and representatives of the 
people in both branches of Congress have known of the inadequacies of 
the laws ever since Red Radicalism first raised its head in this country. 
Loyal officials and earnest congressmen have made recommendations and 
introduced bills looking to the strengthening of laws of the country in order 
that this international blight might be prevented from finding root in the soil 
of the United States. And these recommendations have been ignored and 
these bills have been killed. 

It will be a surprise to most loyal Americans to know that anyone, pro- 
vided he be an American citizen, may manufacture a bomb in the city of 
Washington, (or in any other Federal territory), take that bomb and walk 
down Pennsylvania avenue announcing to all who will hear, that he intends 
to blow up the Capitol as a part of a project looking toward the overthrow 
of the United States Government, and have committed no crime beyond 
disturbance of the peace, a municipal police regulation. What is more, he 
may actually blow up the Capitol and destroy it, all the while proclaiming 
bis purpose as a means of violently overthrowing the Government—and all 
he can be arrested or prosecuted for is destruction of Government property. 
This is legally the same offense that may be committed by any boy throwing 
a stone through the window of a Government building. For there is no 
Federal law which will touch an American citizen who joins the Communist 
party and endeavors to carry out the purposes of that organization—the 
overthrow of this Government by force and violence. 

If an alien does the same thing he may be deported under the existing 
laws. Or rather, the law provides for his deportation, but by a curious 
twist of the law even the alien is saved from punishment. For the same 
law that provides for his deportation also specifies that before being de- 
ported he must be provided with a passport approved by the representative 
in the United States of the country to which he is to be deported. And as 
no country wants radicals who aim at the destruction of all so-called “cap- 
italist” countries, the securing of a passport for the accused alien is difficult 
and often impossible. For example, England and France have refused to 
permit their nationals, those who are Communists, to be dumped upon their 
shores by the United States; and even Russia, after a hectic experience with 
the shipload of Reds deported on the Buford, refuses to accept any more of 
that brand. So, it is seen, the law which provides for the deportation of 
aliens also forbids, in effect, their deportation. 

The law under which the Government functions in the handling of this 
situation today is Section 6 of the Criminal Code, which reads: 


“If two or more persons in any State or Territory, or in any place 
subject to the jurisdiction of the United States, conspire to overthrow, put 
down, or to destroy by force the Government of the United States, or to 
levy war against them, or to oppose by force the authority thereof, or by 
force to prevent, hinder or delay the execution of any law of the United 


[212] 





THE SHORTCOMINGS OF OUR LAWS 


States contrary to the authority thereof, they shall each be fined not more 
than five thousand dollars, or imprisoned not more than six years, or both.” 

This law would seem, at a casual reading, to be sufficient to enable 
the Government to crush the conspiracy of the Communists, for example, 
which aims at the destruction “by force” of “the Government of the United 
States.”” But many times courts have interpreted this section of the Criminal 
Code to mean that an overt act against the Government must be committed 
before any offence has been perpetrated. Therefore, the conspirators in the 
woods at Bridgman, Mich., who were met in secret convention to plot the 
overthrow of the Government would be considered, under these interpre- 
tations of the law, to have been entirely within their rights. Fortunately, 
however, a number of States, and Michigan is one of them, have stringent 
anti-syndicalist laws to protect the Government of the United States which 
seems unable to get a law through Congress to protect itself. 

Some of the men arrested in connection with the Bridgman secret, il- 
legal convention, notably Ruthenberg and Foster, have repeatedly referred 
to the typewriters and mimeograph machines as the weapons the Michigan 
authorities captured at Bridgman and slurringly asked if it were thought 
they were planning to overthrow the Government with those “weapons.” 
And yet one of the results of the late war in Europe was the tremendous 
increase in the use of propaganda as a weapon. It was used by the Com- 
munists to destroy the efficiency of the army of Russia under the Czar, and 
is being used today by the Communists to influence even the highest officials 
of this Government so that the danger of Communism will not be understood 
or appreciated. Propaganda is now recognized by military authorities as 
a distinct and very potent military tactic. Our own military authorities 
assign it a definite place in the category of warfare, beside gas, liquid fire 
and other methods which had to be combated in the World War. The Italian 
campaign, the retreat of the demoralized Italian armies, was the definite re- 
eult first of a weakening of morale affected by carefully planned and clever- 
ly placed propaganda. 

One of the features of the operation of the laws under which the Gov- 
ernment is striving to counteract or crush the Communist movement is the 
confusion of authority. The immigration question comes under the Depart- 
ment of Labor; undersirable aliens may be kept out by the immigration 
authorities legally, and a few are so kept out. The passport problem is in 
the hands of the State Department, which may refuse to grant a passport 
to whomever it pleases; and it sometimes does refuse passports. The Treas- 
ury Department has to do with smuggling, and the Post Office Department has 
to do with the mails and their misuse by radicals. The Department of Jus- 
tice is the legal branch of the Government, to be called upon for advice 
and information. But there is no law that compels one department to ask 
for the records of the Reds, native and foreign, before they are admitted, 
or granted passports, or tried for the misuse of the mails or for smuggling. 
In fact, it has happened frequently that Americans and aliens have been 
permitted to go freely about their plotting against the Government, armed 
with passports, admitted freely by the immigration authorities, when in the 


[213] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


various files of the different departments was enough evidence, if collected 
and used, to convict the man or woman affected of nearly every crime short 
of murder—and sometimes actually of murder. Communists have no 
trouble getting passports to use going back and forth to Moscow. These 
passports are frequently forged and used by other messengers of the Com- 
munists- The Department of Justice must have a vast amount of information 
regarding the activities of individuals connected with the Communist party 
of America and its information is available to other departments of the 
Government if asked for; but there have been cases, it is reported, where 
even after information has been furnished upon such request it has not been 
regarded. 


Many times efforts have been made to strengthen the law so that the 
Government could handle the Red menace effectively without waiting for 
bombs to be exploded or persons slain. Almost invariably such efforts have 
come to nought because of opposition in Congress and because of the activity 
of the propagandists of the Communist party and of those whose work di- 
rectly plays into the hands of the Communists. Lawyers loving limelight 
have a habit of appearing and defending “free speech” which with them 
means nothing but unrestrained license. Hundreds of people rally to fight 
any bill that has a patriotic motive back of it, such as a measure designed 
to prevent the overthrow or the attempt to overthrow this Government by 
violence. Such was the fate of the Sterling bill, which passed the Senate but 
was defeated in the House. The writer holds no brief for this particular 
bill, but many loyal lawyers have studied it carefully trying to find a reason 
why any real red blooded American would oppose it. But it was opposed so 
strenuously that it was defeated in the House of Representatives. It was 
entitled, “A bill to prohibit and punish certain seditious acts against the 
Government of the United States and to prohibit the use of the mails for 
the purpose of prompting such acts,” and read as follows: 


“Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled, That it shall be unlawful for any 
reason to advocate or advise the overthrow, or to write, or knowingly to 
print, publish, utter, sell, or distribute any document, book, circular, paper, 
journal, or other written or printed communication, in or by which there is 
advised the overthrow, by force or violence, or by physical injury to person 
or property, of the Government of the United States or all government, or 
advise or advocate a change in the form of Government or the Constitution 
of the United States or resistance to the authority thereof by force or vio- 
lence or by physical injury to person or property; and it shall be unlawful 
for any person by force or violence to prevent, hinder or delay the execu- 
tion of any law of the United States or the free performance of any of its 
officers, agents, or employees, or of his or their public duty, or to attempt 
by force or violence to overthrow the Government of the United States. 


“Sec. 2. That the display or exhibition at any meeting, gathering or 
parade, public or private, of any flag, banner, or emblem intended by the 
person or persons displaying or exhibiting the same to symbolize or indicate 


[214] 





THE SHORTCOMINGS OF OUR LAWS 





a purpose to overthrow by force or violence or by physical injury to person 
or property, the Government of the United States or all government, is here- 
by declared to be unlawful. 


“Sec. 3. That every document, book, circular, paper, journal, or other 
written or printed communication in or by which there is advocated or 
advised the overthrow by force or violence or by physical injury to person or 
property of the Government of the United States or all government, or in 
or by which there is advocated, or advised the use of force or violence or 
physical injury to or the seizure or destruction of persons or property as 
a means toward the accomplishment of economic, industrial, or political 
changes, is hereby declared to be non-mailable and the same shall not be 
conveyed in the mails or delivered from any post office or by any letter 
carrier; provided, That nothing in this Act shall be so construed as to 
authorize any person other than an employee of the Dead Letter Office duly 
authorized thereto or other person upon a search warrant authorized by law 
to open any letter not addressed to himself: Provided further, That any 
author, publisher, or party affected or aggrieved by the action of the Post- 
master General in excluding materials from the mails under this section 
shall, upon filing a bond to cover the actual cost of such proceeding, be 
entitled to a hearing de novo before a judge of the Federal district or cir- 
cuit in which the party affected or aggrieved resides. The court shall have 
power during the pendency of proceedings in court to suspend the order of 
the Postmaster General; Provided further, That no such court proceeding 
shall bar or interfere with any criminal prosecution under the terms of this 


Act.” 


“Sec. 4. That it shall be unlawful to import or cause to be imported 
into the United States or any place subject to its jurisdiction any matter 
declared by section 3 of this Act to be non-mailable or to transport or cause 
to be transported any such matter from one State to another or into any 
place subject to the jurisdiction of the United States. 


“Sec. 5. That whoever shall use or attempt to use the mails or the 
Postal Service of the United States for the transmission of any matter de- 
clared by section 3 of this Act to be non-mailable or who shall violate any 
other of the provisions of this Act shall be fined not more than $5000 or 
imprisoned not more than five years, or both, and if an alien, shall be, upon 
the expiration of his sentence, deported from the United States and forever 
barred from reentering the United States or any Territory under its juris- 
diction. 


“Sec. 6. That every foreign-born person who has become a natural- 
ized citizen of the United States who shall commit any of the acts forbidden 
by this Act shall, upon conviction thereof, forfeit his citizenship in the 
United States; and any foreign-born person who has declared his intention 
to become a citizen shall, upon his conviction of any offence under this Act, 
forfeit his right to become such citizen, and all proceedings had in the 
matter of naturalization of any such person shall be cancelled and become 
null and void, and he shall thereafter be ineligible for naturalization in the 


[215] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


United States, and shall be subject to deportation as in the case of other 
aliens, as provided by law.” 


There was little opposition to this proposed act when it was brought 
out of the Senate Judiciary Committee and presented to the Senate. But 
when it came up in the House, the opposition was aetive both on the floor 
and on the part of lobbyists against it. Perhaps the most active opponent 
at this stage was Jackson H. Ralston, a Washington attorney who repre- 
sented the American Federation of Labor and who had also acted as counsel 
for Louis F. Post, former Assistant Secretary of Labor, at a hearing before 
a Congressional Committee on charges against Post arising out of his 
actions and policies in connection with deportation preceedings. And yet 
the passage of this act or one of similar import is necessary, and is known 
to be necessary, if the Government is to be able adequately to handle such 
individuals engaged in Communistic activities directed toward the overthrow 
of this Government by force and violence. 

A certain group of lawyers, not always the same personnel but in- 
variably with many of the same individuals, seems always to be seeking 
ways to embarrass the Government and interfere with its functioning when 
it attacks radicalism in any of its forms. These lawyers do not seem to care 
as to the merits of their case, as was shown when they brought charges of 
illegal practice against the Department of Justice, charges which were 
quickly shown to be utterly without foundation, a fact that the veriest 
tyro would have known upon cursory examination of the “evidence” they 
presented. The makeup of this particular group of lawyers, whose activities 
seem to have been directed to hindering instead of helping the Government 
in its fight, a right inherent in every Government, to protect itself, is in- 
teresting. 

This self-appointed committee of lawyers, which signed the charges 
against the Department of Justice, included Felix Frankfurter, Ernst Freund 
and Frank P. Walsh, who were identified with the American Civil Liberties 
Union, an organization, as has been shown, which includes known Com- 
munists on its committees working directly and constantly for the over- 
throw of the Government of the United States by force and violence. 
Frankfurter, from his chair at Harvard, became so active in his work in 
behalf of the radicals that Theodore Roosevelt wrote that he had taken 
“an attitude which seems to me to be fundamenially that of Trotsky and 
the other Bolsheviki leaders in Russia.” 

The American Civil Liberties Union was also active in this movement 
with which its members were identified. Of this organization, as has been 
seen, it has been said that the effect of its activities “is to create in the 
minds of the ill-informed people the impression that it is un-American 
to interfere with the activities of those who seek to destroy American in- 
stitutions. They seek to influence legislators and executives to repeal or 
veto any law calculated to protect the State or the Federal Government 
from the attacks of agitators.” 

Frank P. Walsh is the lawyer who, on his return from Moscow, was 
reported in Communist circles to have been retained for a fee of $50,000 


[216] 


THE SHORTCOMINGS OF OUR LAWS 


to defend the Bridgman conspirators. Zecharia Chaffee, Jr., a colleague 
of Frankfurter’s at Harvard, the man who advocated in print and in public 
declaration that there should be no law against sedition and anarchy, was 
also one of the lawyer signers of these charges. Another was Francis 
Fisher Kane of Philadelphia, whose name is on the Workers’ party “sucker 
list” and who was formerly United States district attorney in his district. 
A Senate committee report declared that Kane’s statement before the com- 
mittee “gives the impression that his tendencies are strongly Socialistic.” 
Swinburne Hale, of New York, who resigned as captain in the Army in the 
Military Intelligence Section when official information was sought regard- 
ing Ludwig C. A. K. Martens, the “Bolshevik Ambassador,” was one of the 
signers. 

Dean Tyrrell Williams, of the Washington University Law School, of 
St. Louis; Jackson H. Ralston, mentioned above; R. G. Brown, of Memphis; 
Alfred S. Niles, of Baltimore; Roscoe Pound, another Harvard professor; 
and David Wallerstein, of Philadelphia, were the other members of this 
particular group. Some of them are almost invariably found on the side 
of the criminal whose activities the Government is trying to curb. 


[217] 





Acbeteie Nobu Nea 


THESIS ON COORDINATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITY IN THE AMERICAS 


“If the workers of this country would fight American capitalism on all 
fronts they must make common cause with the Latin-American masses. In 
Mexico, Cuba, Chile the exploited masses are fighting out a class struggle 
which is part and parcel of our own. There is a fundamental interrelation 
between the proletarian movements of the Western Hemisphere. The sooner 
the working class of the United States, as well as of Latin-America, becomes 
conscious of this interrelation, the more quickly will it be able to utilize 
the power arising from it. 


American Imperialism 


“The United States is no longer a national State: It is an empire, in 
which the chief foreign field for exploitation is Latin-America. The capital 
with which Latin-America is exploited is American capital. The Standard 
Oil Company, the Harvester Trust, the Copper Trust, the United Fruit Com- 
pany and other combines hold enormous fiefs in Mexico, Central America, 
the West Indies and South America. Back of these is the Money Trust. 

“Of the $5,000,000,000 that American capitalists have invested abroad, 
$3,188,000,000 is in Latin America. This has given the American capital- 
ists the power to inspire or frustrate Central American revolutions, seize 
control of customs, issue currency and completely dominate the policies of 
national governments in many Latin-American states. 

“When direct pressure fails, the capitalists have always at their dis- 
posal the services of the State Department and the military forces of the 
United States. United States marines maintain ‘law and order’ in Haiti 
and Santo Domingo for the National City Bank. In Nicaragua, American 
troops patrol the streets and the American flag flies over the National Palace. 
General Crowder, as the representative of the United States Government, is 
forcing upon the National Government of Cuba a loan of $50,000,000 in 
defiance of both houses of the national legislature. There is not a country 
in Central America of the West Indies over which does not hang con- 
stantly the threat of American invasion. 


Wall Street Extending Its Sway 


“With a large part of Latin-America already in its grasp, American 
capital is steadily fastening its grip upon wider and wider areas. 
“Before the war the interests of American capitalists in South America 


[219] 


REDS IN AMERICA 





were negligible. In 1916 they involved $285,000,000; today the investment 
in municipal and government bonds alone exceeds $600,000,000. Wall 
Street has already become master of the destinies of Venezuela, Colombia 
and Peru. Native Latin-American capital has never been a factor in any 
of the Latin-American countries. It is true that before the war European 
capital, principally British, predominated in Argentina and Uruguay, and 
was a serious competitor in other South American countries. But this has 
all been changed. The United’States now leads the field and is increasing 
its investments, while European investments fall off. 


Danger to American Workers 


“Latin-America supplies an outlet for surplus capital and enables 
American capitalists to derive added strength to resist the demands of 
workers in this country. The oil, copper and fibres of Mexico, the copper 
of Chile, the beef and grain of Argentina and the many other raw materials 
of Latin-America constitute a fund on which American capitalists could 
draw in an emergency, as in case of strikes. 

“At present gangs of Latin-American workers are brought into this 
country on a system of contract labor, or engancho, to work in scab indus- 
tries. With the spread of American imperialism, this system is bound to 
grow. 

“Moreover, to hold in subjection the ever increasing masses of Latin- 
American workers that are falling under American exploitation a strong 
military machine will be built up, which will be used against the American 
working class. 


Strike-Breaking in Latin-America 


“A short time ago there was a general strike in Cuba. American. 


battleships sailed into Havana harbor and under the threat of armed inter- 
vention, the strike was broken. In Venezuela, the brutal dictatorship. of 
Juan Vicente Gomez, backed and supported by the approving United States 
Government, crushes every liberating impulse of the toiling masses. A 
similar condition prevails in Guatemala, where the amiable Orellana rules. 
At the point of the bayonet, American marines compel Haitian and Domini- 
can laborers to toil in chain gangs out on the hot roads. The method of 
the exploitation of the ragged Mexican worker by American industrial 
magnates is more akin to the system pursued here and in addition it counts 
with the whole hearted co-operation, sometimes more or less disguised, of 
the Obregon Government. 


The Latin-American Workers cannot Fight Alone 


“The introduction of an exotic capitalism into Latin-American coun- 
tries has opposed to a backward and unripe proletariat the highly developed 
bourgeoisie of the most powerful .capitalistic nation of the world, with 
all the military resources of the United States at its command. The fight 


[220] 


—_— se SS 





THESIS ON COORDINATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITY IN THE AMERICAS 


is unequal. Isolated, the Latin-American workers cannot hope to defend 
their interests successfully against their mighty adversary. They need us 
as well as we need them. A proletarian revolution anywhere in Latin- 
America is well-nigh impossible until there is a revolution in the United 
States. Wall Street, with its billions of dollars, imperilled, would crush 
it immediately. American imperialism, economic and political, is the in- 
strument of exploitation throughout the western world. In Latin-America, 


as in the United States and Canada, the Class Struggle is a yeuuee against 
Wall Street. 


A United Front Against Wall Street 


“What the workers of this country know from contact with capitalism 
must be supplemented by the actual experiences of the workers who have 
endured these hardships to which colonial people are subjected. The 
proletariat of all the Americas must be welded into a fighting unit to 
combat American capital wherever its influence extends. 

“The objective forces of the struggle have already called forth several 
rather inadequate attempts at common action, and both in Mexico and 
Argentina there have been repeated moves toward All-American unity. 
However, the only real organization claiming to speak for this country 
and Latin America is the Pan-American Federation of Labor. Being in 
reality a barefaced effort on the part of Samuel Gompers and his machine 
to exploit the impulse toward solidarity, the Pan-Amercian Federation of 
Labor has never won the confidence of the Latin-American masses, who, in 
fact, regard it suspiciously, as another instrument of the Monroe Doctrine. 
It has been used by the Gompers machine to thwart the Latin-American 
workers in their efforts to combat the American imperialism. 

“The Pan-American Federation of Labor has failed, hitherto, because 
it did not truly voice the aspirations of the Latin-American proletariat. 
There can be no successful joint movement except on the basis of the 
Class Struggle and a militant fight against American imperialism. An 
organization must be built up that will fight American imperialism at 
every step, as well as carry on the stueele against capitalism, through 
joint strike action, international agreements, etc., under the leadership of 
the Red Labor Union International. This means that the militant minorities 
in the few labor organizations that now belong to the Pan-American Federa- 
tion of Labor must try to win over their separate national bodies to such 
a program as will assure the participation of the great mass of Latin- 
American workers now on the outside. In this work the Communist parties 
of the various countries must take the leading part. 


The Communist Parties 


“But this is only one phase of the Communist task. The struggle is 
political as well as economic. The Communist parties will have to educate 
the workers to an understanding of their common interests, give them 


°221) 


REDS IN AMERICA 


political directives, prevent them from wasting their energies in futile 
pseudo-revolutions engineered by political adventurers, and marshal them 
for the overthrow of capitalism and American imperialism. The Communist 
parties of all Americas should be in constant touch with one another. They 
must formulate an all-American program and function as a unit in its 
support. The Communist International is and must remain the head and 
center of the revolutionary proletarian movement in all countries, but the 
needs of the unified struggle in the Americas require supplementary con- 
tact with the Communist parties directly involved. This does not imply 
autonomy, but is merely an administrative measure made necessary by the 
unity of capitalism in the west. 


Why American Workers Must Lead 


“The United States is the radiating center of western capitalism as 
well as imperialism, a circumstance which gives the American working 
class the advantage of a central perspective. Furthermore, the forces of 
capitalism not being so highly developed in Latin-America, the Latin- 
American proletariat, while often finely militant in temper, is inexperienced 
and immature as a class. The frequent revolutions in Central and South 
America have often little to do with the Class Struggle, although this cry 
is raised at times by political opportunists whose purpose is to gain per- 
sonal support by playing upon the feelings of the masses. Socialist parties 
appear that are socialist only in name. Although there do exist splendid 
revolutionary parties in Latin-America, the proletarian movement is in 
many respects perverted and distorted, beyond anything we know in the 
United States. With some notable exceptions, the Communist parties are 
numerically insignificant and all have been out of contact with the stream 
of the world movement. 

“To achieve all-American Communist unity, it falls naturally upon the 
Communists of this country to take the lead. 


All-American Communist Conference 


“The first step is for the Communist Parties of all the Americas to 
get together in conference. The Communist party of America should send 
out a call for a conference to be held in Moscow following the Fourth 
Congress of the Communist International. 

“The conference must not be interpreted to mean merely a gathering 
of these comrades who happen to be delegates to the Fourth Congress, but 
a serious effort should be made to secure a full representation of all Com- 
munist parties in the Western Hemisphere, even if it is necessary for the 
Comintern to pay traveling expenses. 

“The following is proposed as a tentative agenda: 

“(1) Role of the all-American proletarian in the World Revolution. 


“*(2) United action against American imperialism. 


[222] 


THESIS ON COORDINATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITY IN THE AMERICAS 


“(3) The Pan-American Federation of Labor and the Red Labor 


Union International. 
“(4) The tempo of the revolutionary movement in the Americas. 
“(5) Special tasks of the proletariat in each country. 
(6) The united labor front in the Americas. 
“(7) Co-ordination of the Communist activities. 


(8) An all-American technical committee, for translation and dis- 
tribution of literature, etc.” 


[223] 


ATPePheI NUD iS B 


4 


THESIS ON “RELATIONS OF ONE AND TWO” 


“]__NECESSITY OF A COMMUNIST PARTY 


‘All experience in the modern class struggle proves that the working 
class can emerge victorious only after developing an organ of leadership 
in the form of a highly disciplined Communist party, thoroughly conscious 
of revolutionary principles and tactics. The first task of Communists is, 
therefore, to develop such a party. 


“II—ACTION OF MASSES 


“While the Communist party is the organ of leadership and bears the 
heaviest brunt of the fight, the revolution is an action of broad masses 
of the exploited sections of the population extending far beyond the limit 
of the numerical strength to which a highly conscious disciplined party 
can be developed. The final struggie for power by the working class is 
not the result of a revolutionization of the minds of the masses through 
merely theoretical propaganda, agitation and education. It develops out 
of the irreconcilable conflict of the interests of the classes. This con- 
flict is first shown in the minor struggles of the workers for their existence. 
The minor struggles clarify the fundamental conflict of class interests, thus 
bringing class consciousness and leading toward the major struggle for 
power. Education and propaganda, though necessary to build the revolu- 
tionary party, would, if taken alone, build a sterile sect, utterly impotent 
to deal with mass action. The major task of the revolutionary party in 
regard to the broad masses of workers is, therefore, not abstract propaganda 
and abstract theoretical education, but participation in all the struggles of 
the workers as the most active force. 


“1TI—CONTACT WITH THE MASSES 


“The leadership of the masses of the exploited can be attained only by 
directly engaging in all their struggles, together with the masses of the 
workers. In a country where political conditions permit the possibility of 
mass political organization of the working class, the revolutionary party 
can not secure leadership without securing a powerful, and finally dominant 
position among such mass political organizations of the workers. This 
essentially implies a PUBLIC contact with the masses. In America, it has 


[225] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


become the most urgent immediate task of the Communists to secure a 
public, open, so-called ‘legal’ existence as an organization. 


“TV—A LEGAL PARTY 


“A truly revolutionary (i, e. Communist) party can never be ‘legal’ 
in the sense of having its purpose harmonize with the purpose of the laws 
made by the capitalist state, or its acts conform with the intent of capitalist 
law. Hence, to call a Communist party ‘legal’ means that its existence is 
tolerated by the capitalist state because of circumstances which embarrass 
the capitalist state’s efforts to suppress it. The revolutionary party can 
avoid suppression into a completely secret existence only by one or both of 
two means: 


66 


a. By taking advantage of the pretenses of ‘democratic forms’ which 
the capitalist state is obliged to maintain. By this means the Communists 
can maintain themselves in the open with a restricted program while estab- 
lishing themselves with mass support. 


“bh, (Later stage) By commanding such mass support among side 
masses of workers that enable them to proclaim publicly their final object 
in the revolutionary struggle and manoeuvre openly to attain this object 
regardless of the desire of the capitalist state to suppress it. It is necessary 
at the present time (and circumstances make it the most urgent immediate 
need) to resort to the first of the before-mentioned methods of open contact 
with the working masses; which means to maintain an open political party 
with a modified name and restricted program. The second of these two 
conditions must be reached by the Communist party of America. We seek 
to have an open Communist party as soon as this can possibly be attained. 


“As to whether a legal Communist party is possible the test is whether 
the Communist party program including the advocacy of the principle of 
mass action and violent overthrow of the capitalist state together with affilia- 
tion to the Communist International can be publicly advocated without being 
suppressed. 


‘“V—NUMBER TWO 


“A legal political party with such restrictions can not replace the 
Communist party. It must also serve as an instrument in the complete 
control of the Communist party, for getting public contaet with the masses. 
It must mobilize the elements of the workers most sympathetic to the Com- 
munist cause, with a program going as far toward the Communist program 
as possible while maintaining a legal existence. It must, with a course 
of action in daily participation in the workers’ struggle, apply Communist 
tactics and principles and thus win the trust of the masses and prepare them 
for the leadership of the Communist party. It must organize the sympa- 
thetic workers into a framework that will later become the framework of 
an open Communist party, taking care systematically to educate the workers 


[226] 


THESIS ON ‘‘RELATIONS OF ONE AND TWO’? 


in the ‘legal’ party in principles, tactics and discipline, so as to fit them to 
become members of the Communist party. Thus the building of a legal 
political party with a modified name and program will prepare the field 
for an open Communist party strong enough to stand in the open and cap- 
able of leading in the revolutionary struggle. 


“VI—FUTURE SUPPRESSION 


“The overthrow of the capitalist system can only come through the 
violent overthrow of the capitalist state. To accept this view is to accept 
the certainty that the capitalist state will find itself in violent conflict with 
the masses led by the Communist party. While tthe capitalist state retains 
the governmental machinery, and as the struggle grows sharper in approach- 
ing the final struggle, the capitalist state will inevitably strike again and 
again at the revolutionary party in the effort to destroy it. After the Com- 
munist party shall have established itself in the open, it must be prepared 
for, and must expect to be driven out of a ‘legal’ existence from time to time. 
The Communist party must at all times be so organized that such attacks 
can not destroy it. It must perform its functions of leadership in the class 
struggle no matter what tactics the ruling class adopts—open as far as pos- 
sible, secretly as far as it must. 


“VII—UNDERGROUND 


“The underground machinery of the Communist party is not merely a 
temporary device, to be liquidated as soon as the Communist party with 
its full program can be announced in the open. The underground machinery 
is for permanent use. It is not a machinery to be used only as emergency 
occasions. It is for constant use. It must continue to operate not only while 
the legal party operates under a restricted program, but also at all times, 
before and after the Communist party, with a full Communist program and 
shall not exist in the open. There is never a time, previous to the final over- 
throw of the capitalist state, when a truly revolutionary party does not have 
to perform a considerable amount of work free from police knowledge and 
interference. The Communist party will never cease to maintain its under- 
ground machinery until after the establishment of the dictatorship of the 
proletariat in the form of the Workers’ Soviet Republic. 


“VITI—CONTROL 


“Throughout the Communist movement of the world, the system of 
‘Presidiums’ prevails, by which matters of necessarily secret nature are 
kept in the hands of the most reliable and most trusted members of the 
party. This is a necessary feature of a revolutionary organization. As the 
Communist party of America grows to dimensions containing many thou- 
sands of members, it will be necessary to maintain this principle. At times 
when the Communist party as such maintains itself in the open, the member- 


[227] 


REDS IN AMERICA 





ship which constitutes the present Communist party within the Number Two 
[the legal branch—Ed.] will, with some variations, constitute the older and 
best known, and most disciplined membership, to be entrusted with the 
more confidential matters and the illegal work of the party generally. This 
does not mean that the whole party membership will not be required to do 
work that conflicts with the capitalist law, but that the work of the most 
secret nature must be kept in the most trusted hands. 


“During the time when the Communist party operates, not under its 
own name and program in the open, but through a ‘legal’ political party 
with restricted program and different name, the same principle is applied 
by having full control of such legal party in the hands of the Communist 
party. This is accomplished by having a majority of all important com- 
mittees composed of Communist party members, and by means of regular 
and compulsory caucuses of all the Communist party members within any 
legal unit, bound by the unit rule, a principle which will prevail in some 
effective form when the Communist party is itself in the open. As the 
membership develops loyalty to the party and respect for its discipline it 
will be possible to lessen the purely mechanical control and avoid the small 
friction that is inevitable for the present. There is an unsatisfactory feature 
in the present condition. Committee members, persons in responsible posi- 
tions, and all especially active members of such legal party should be, prac- 
tically without exception, members of the Communist party. The party 
must make systematic efforts to bring this about. Definite efforts must be 
made to bring every member of such legal party who shows himself to be 
equipped with Communist understanding and capable of leadership, into 
the Communist party. Every such active member must be tested as to his 


readiness to accept the Communist party program and discipline, and the 
decisions of the Communist International, and upon passing the tests, must 
be brought into membership of the Communist party. 


“IX—EXECUTIVE COMMITTEES 


“Fhe party must endeavor to reach at the earliest reasonable time the 
condition where all members of responsible committees of Number Two [the 
legal branch—Ed.] such as the Central Executive Committee, District Ex- 
ecutive Committee, sub-District Executive Committee, etc., shall be members 
of Number One (the illegal branch—Ed.). The personnel of committees of 
Number Two should consist of its majority of the personnel of the corre- 
sponding committees of Number One. The remainder of the personnel of 
the Number Two committees should generally be Number One members 
wherever possible. The organizers and officials of Number One and Number 
Two committees shall generally not be the same. 


[228] 


THESIS ON ‘‘RELATIONS OF ONE AND TWO” 


“X—INDUSTRIAL 


in 

~ “We must hold before ourselves as a goal to be attained at the earliest 
possible time the functioning openly of Communist party caucuses in the 
trade unions, known as such inside the respective trade union meetings. 

“Keeping this in mind as a goal, and that the framework and human 
material being organized into an open party, at present existing legally, 
is intended ultimately to be welded into an open Communist party, it is a 
logical course to form now wherever practicable nuclei of Number Two 
in the trade unions, one of the purposes to be the training of trade union 
members of Number Two in the principle of discipline. 

“However, it is not always practicable to operate by the method of 
Number One and Number Two nuclei in the unions meeting regularly as 
two distinct systems. And in a large proportion of cases, the circumstances 
of actual life compel that: 


“(a) Caucuses of Number Two can no more be announced openly in a 
union than could be caucuses of Number One, and that: 

““(b) In some cases the existence in a union of a substantial number 
of unionists willing to go a long way with us but holding anarchist or syn- 
dicalist views, makes it necessary to hold the greater number of caucuses 
WITH such elements under a name other than the name of a political party, 
for the purpose of defeating the ‘right wingers’ and for the additional pur- 
pose of training such anarchist and syndicalist elements in the principle 
of disciplined action as a first step toward making Communists of them; and 

“‘(c) In other cases where the general conditions in a union make it 
necessary for the Number Two members to operate together with non-mem- 
ber sympathizers as a disciplined caucus under a name of ANOTHER legal 
instrument of the Communist party. 


“These conditions make necessary an adjustment of the caucus system, 
which will generally assume the following course of development. While 
the machinery of Number One nuclei is being established, their caucus 
meetings take precedence over all others. After the Number One nuclei 
have been firmly established and the members have learned to function unit- 
edly, they will begin to give more and more attention to Number Two cau- 
cuses, and Number One caucus meetings will take precedence only when new 
issues or crises arise and are to be called as frequently as these conditions 
make necessary. Between such meetings the Number One nuclei function 
through the Number Two by means of a steering committee. 

“The standard open caucus of the left section of the union must be 
held under names and slogans of immediate significance, which will win 
the greatest possible mobilization of the left section of the union against 
reactionaries, on issues of the daily struggle.” 


[229] 


i 


ey 
ae. 
in 





APPENDIX C. 


“ADAPTATION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA 
TO AMERICAN CONDITIONS.” 


‘“‘As you look at our party (both Number One and Number Two) you 
can easily observe that something is wrong. It does not function as it ought 
to. It does not function as a party must in order to fulfill its aim of lead- 
ing, or if not strong enough, participating in every political and economic 
struggle of the working class of this country. In short, our party as it is 
today is a mechanical instrument which will function as a dead machine 
at any time, but it is unable to carry on any activity which needs life, 
thought and interest and arouses the enthusiasms of the comrades so they 
will come asking for a chance to work whether easy or hard. 


“If you go through the history of our party and especially if you 
study its functioning in the recent past you will find that every step which 
has been taken was a mechanical procedure. Any instruction coming from 
anywhere that in being carried out needed to be spiritualized with the fire 
of real sincerity was only executed in a technical manner. To see that 
clearly take the instance of the election campaign in New York or the in- 
struction concerning the opposition. In both cases there is needed life 
interest in the work, and what do we see? In both cases the comrades dis- 
tributed the leaflets (if they did) without participating in any of the cam- 
paign. This clearly shows that the membership of which our party is com- 
posed is actually stranger to the vital functioning of the party organization. 


“After a long period of organization work, after clearing up our main 
tuctical differences (the latter being accomplished by the few comrades who 
understand the American situation and who really strive to fight in America 
which the general membership does not) we arrived at the point where 
every ounce of our energy should be concentrated to start our activities, 
that is to fight in the open American capitalism and participate in every 
such struggle of the workers. If we dare to face the facts we find that we 
are unable to do so and although we go forward in our decisions and al- 
though a very small group of comrades do all in their power the membership 
in general does not move and does not understand and CARE, about the de- 
cisions. What the membership in general does is to obey an imaginative 
military discipline (which satisfies their romanticism) and carry out every 
decision without mentally taking part in it. That is the situation in general 
and if we were to give a few more facts the matter would be clear for fur- 
ther study. 


[231] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


“Many comrades say the chief reason for this situation is because the 
vast majority of the party are foreign speaking comrades. If we would 
accept that we would sanction this situation as unchangeable unless we 
would get enough English comrades in the party. The cause of this situa- 
tion is not that we are composed of foreign speaking comrades but the 
reason is that OUR MEMBERSHIP IS NOT MENTALLY PRESENT IN 
AMERICA. They didn’t join the party, or better they did not create the 
party as a working class defense and fighting organization, but they created 
it under the strange influence of European happenings. The party mem- 
bership gets its spirit and its hope, not from America where they ought to 
fight, but exclusively from Europe and it is this foreign spirit and hope that 
keeps them in the party. Once losing that, the party would not be able to 
keep them together. The party itself is a strange thing to them. They join 
it like they would join any other club. They don’t have the conception that 
the party belongs to them and that the party’s interest is their interest, but 
on the contrary they have no interest in the party so far as the fight in 
America is concerned. They pay their dues to be entitled to call themselves 
Communists. Their conception is an abstract one, which satisfies itself in 
being purely a Communist. Later, that means that men with such concep- 
tion are individualists and so we dare to state that our party is composed in 
a great majority of members with such an individualistic conception. The 
members don’t understand the political structure of the American state and 
so they don’t understand the political situation in America. As a matter of 
fact they are not interested in the things they do not understand. 

“This, then, is our party membership. Must we say that the party 
which is created (as Trotsky says) ‘by the proletariat for its defense and 
struggle for emancipation’ can not and will not fulfill this aim, unless the 
conditions in the party (the conceptions of the party members) are changed? 
Today we have romantically inclined members in the majority who do every- 
thing mechanically to justify themselves as Communists, because they have 
not been shown how to function as a live part of the American movement. 
Because of this conception the members don’t see any chance for fighting 
American capitalism and they wait for the coming of the revolution from 
abroad. 

“Our party is not able to lead and to influence the masses. These are 
rather hard words but true, nevertheless. The influence we have and we 
will gain, will be the influence of our program in general and we, the party, 
will not be able to make any use of it. 

“Every one of us feels this situation but it seems we wait for some un- 
known force to bring about a change. We know that our party membership 
is not capable of leading the masses and is not capable of carrying out the 
party’s program with spiritual participation in it. Those of us who are 
waiting for the coming of the English elements into the party are overlook- 
ing the fact that if the party as it is composed today is not capable of action 
then it will always be (unless it is changed) a dead part of our body which 
will hinder us in our work. The fact is that our party will always be com- 
posed of a majority of foreign speaking comrades. Why? Because the 


[232] 


- 


ADAPTATION OF COMMUNIST PARTY TO AMERICAN CONDITIONS 


basic industries of our country are operated by foreign speaking workers 
and as these workers are the most oppressed elements of the American work- 
ing class they are nearest to us. On the other hand, the English speaking 
population of the country compose the middle class and among the workers 
they are in the easier industries. So we can not base our future on the 
coming of the English element but we have to use every effort that our party 
as it is composed today shall be able to function. 


“At the time of the outbreak of the various revolutions in Europe the 
party developed rapidly and after the passing away of the revolutionary 
wave the party lost in its influence and lost in its membership. This is 
clearly shown in the case of the Hungarian movement. At the time of the 
revolution in Hungary the Hungarian Federation in America had 4000 mem- 
bers and the paper 15,000 subscribers. Today the federation has 600 mem- 
bers and the paper has but 7,000 subscribers, although the readers were not 
raided. 

“As our party membership has no political aim in this country, they 
take without any interest the political moves or program of the party, and 
without any sound fighting or aim any looseness of membership is justified. 

“The Communist party is not organized for itself and for the satisfac- 
tion of idealists but we are a rough fighting organization, aiming to bring 
about a mass movement in this country led by us. Can we do that with our 
forces? Yes, if we first develop change in the mental attitude in the minds 
of the general membership toward the problems as they exist here in Amer- 
ica. Today, we are merely a propaganda organization without functioning 
even as a propaganda organization should. We have only extended our 
propaganda to those who have come to us, but have not reached out to the 
great masses awaiting the message. The slogan “TO THE MASSES’ was 
carried out by us only by taking a step nearer to the masses and we are now 
standing gazing at them. 

“The activities of our membership are the unconscious reflex of Euro- 
pean influences. 

“The main cause of this situation in our party is that our members 
have not the slightest knowledge of the political state and industrial ma- 
chinery. Yet no one has told them that to be a real Communist means to 
fight there where you are; that they must get acquainted with the conditions 
prevailing there. 


SOLUTION OF THE PROBLEM 


“The most important step in the solution of the problem is a correct 
and thorough understanding of the problem itself by the membership. With- 
out a clear knowledge of the difficulty by the rank and file it will be impos- 
sible to accomplish the solution. The comrades must make up their minds 
to tackle the great obstacles and master them. They must see clearly the 
fact that the revolutionary movement and its development in this country 
depends on them and that means that their policy should not be to wait 
until we have enough English comrades and let them do the work. Rather 


[233] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


the very fact that they are here compels the members as Communists to as- 
sume full responsibility for the movement here in America that membership 
in the Communist party in the other places of the world demands. 

“The second step should be to dissolve the federation organization and 
have nothing else than propaganda committees. 

“The kind of federation organizations we have today was the result of 
a compromise between two groups at the Unity Convention, one of which 
had no federation whatever and the other with federations having autonomy. 
It was hoped by this compromise that the control of the federation members 
(that is, party members) would be taken out of the hands of federation 
leaders, and the federation organization would serve simply as language 
propaganda organs of the party. But this has not been the result. 

“What are the facts concerning the control of the members? Who 
really controls the membership, the party or the Federation Bureaus? 

“The members of the various federations are entirely inactive except 
when they get instructions from the Bureau concerning some work in their 
own language organization or concerning work in some other organizations 
of their own language. 

“Being organized for several years in language federations, they know 
little or nothing about the party leaders. While their ignorance of the 
party leaders causes a terrible indifference toward the selection of party 
officers, the members engage in bitter factional fights inside the federa- 
tions over the selection of federation officers. 

“Most of the federations have large property interests which serve as 
a strong means of control in the hands of the federation leaders in the con- 
trol of the federation membership. 

“Reflect on these important facts and consider them carefully and see 
what ties there are that bind the members of the federation to the party. 

“The following are the ties that bind the membership to the party: 


“l. The federations belong to the party. 
“2. Their interest in the international movement. 


“We do not wish to make a detailed argument regarding these facts 
but we feel that everyone who reads this, realizes that the federations have 
much stronger control over the membership than the party. As our party 
is composed of several federations and inasmuch as they have greater control 
over the members than the party, the party therefore has no direct moral 
control of the membership but can only exercise its control indirectly 
through the federation bureaus. That is what we call a highly centralized 
party. 

“For the successful prosecution of the work of a revolutionary party, 
it is necessary that the moral control of the membership (which after all 
is the only real control) must be in the hands of the central executive body 
of the organization, which in the light of the facts is not true of our organi- 
zation at the present time. 


“The function of the language federation bureaus should be only to 
act as a means of communication between the central executive body of the 


[234] 





ADAPTATION OF COMMUNIST PARTY TO AMERICAN CONDITIONS 


party and the membership in the language they understand and to carry on 
propaganda to the masses in the tongue they know. There is no other good 
reason for their existence. 

“In proposing the dissolution of the federation organization we advocate 
the dissolution of every phase of their organization (which gives them 
direct connection and leading power). This means also the transfer of all 
institutions and property belonging to the federations over to the party. 

“We offer in the place of federation organizations, propaganda com- 
mittees and editorial boards and an advisory committee. The function of 
the last named is to prepare plans for the work to be done in their language 
in organizations like Sick and Benefit, etc. We propose no national propa- 
ganda committees but only district propaganda committees which shall carry 
on the work according to party instructions, as a sub-committee in the 
district, adapted to the conditions in the various districts. The translation 
of party instructions can be done by translating secretaries in the national 
organization and sent down through party channels. 

“The United States is so large that there are whole sections with prob- 
lems peculiar to themselves that seriously interfere with the efficient oper- 
ation of the organization and which it is next to impossible to solve from 
the national organization. The establishment of district propaganda com- 
mittees would solve this perplexing question. There are many other reasons 
that favor the establishment of these committees and insure a much more 
efficient organization than could ever be the case under language federation 
bureaus. 


SUMMARY 


“In closing we can emphatically state that the future of the party is 
hopeless unless this situation is changed. The question of tactics can be 
decided upon by a few comrades who are at the convention, but they will 
not have the backing of the members. This is so vital that we can not expect 
any real results from our work in this country until it is solved. A Com- 
munist party, not even in possession of its own members, can not hope to 
exert the slightest influence over the masses. 

“In the course of discussion there might arise some other problems 
for solution, but every one of us must agree that this one is the main 
problem confronting the Second Convention of the Communist party and the 
Communist party itself. 

“Finally, the solving of this problem will not be accomplished simply 
by dissolving the federation organizations. The members must realize and 
feel this problem in all its seriousness, and with the dissolution of the 
federation organizations must break the mental ties with other parts of the 
world and become rooted and grounded in the movement in America.” 


[235] f 





ACE RE BAN Doli ded 


“NEWS LETTER SERVICE” MARKED “RUSH ONE TO EACH GROUP,” 
SENT OUT AUGUST 4 FROM THE “NATIONAL OFFICE, 
COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA, SECTION 
OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL.” 


“The Executive Committee of the Communist International has in- 
formed us that Comrade Cook, member of the Presidium of the Comintern 
and the Presidium of the Red Trade Union International has been ordered 
to return home immediately with full instructions from the Communist 
International regarding the various problems confronting the American 
party. All districts are strongly urged to hold themselves in complete 
readiness for immediate arrangements of meetings to listen to the report 
from the Comintern. 

“The special representative of the Comintern, Comrade Brooks, is now 
working actively with the Central Executive Committee and is proving of 
great aid to us. 

“Reports from every district are very favorable regarding the return of 
opposition members to the party. We must not lose sight of the fact that it 
is the duty of every party member to do his utmost to help liquidate the 
opposition and get them back into the party. 

“The Executive Committee of the Communist International has in- 
structed us to postpone holding the convention until the arrival of Comrade 
Cook with its instructions. The Central Executive Committee acted on this 
matter and by a vote of five to five decided not to delay holding the 
convention. All efforts are being exerted to have Comrade Cook arrive 
here on time so that at least the delegates may have an opportunity to 
listen to the report and instructions from the Executive Committee of the 
Communist International. 

“On the recommendation of Comrade Brooks, the Central Executive 
Committee elected the following new special committees: (1) A com- 
mittee to prepare a report on the prevailing political and economic condi- 
tions in the United States. (2) A committee to prepare a new thesis on 
the relations between One and Two. (3) A committee to revise the agenda 
for the convention. 

“After listening to the Central Executive Committee discussion on the 
postponement of the convention, Comrade Brooks, Special Representative 
of the Comintern to the Communist Party of America, proposed the follow- 


[237] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


ing resolution to the Central Executive Committee: ‘The thesis adopted 
by the Third World Congress on the subject of organization explicitly 
prohibited the formation of closed factions within Communist parties. I 
have ascertained here in America that two existing tendencies in the Com- 
munist party have already crystallized into definite factional structures 
which are waging against each other war to the knife on questions big or 
small. I am convinced that the actually existing differences of opinion do 
not by any means justify such factional formations and merely represent 
the continuation of the worst traditions within the ranks of the American 
Comrades, traditions which are repeatedly condemned by the Communist 
international. I am convinced that this situation can lead to complete 
paralysis of the party’s activity and to new splits, fatal to American Com- 
raunism. 


“ “Basing myself on the above mentioned thesis of the Third Congress 
and acting in the spirit of all the decisions of the Communist International 
bearing on the American question, I call on the comrades of both factions 
immediately to take proper steps for the factional regime and to create 
real guarantees for party unity which is so extremely endangered. For 
this work I am entirely at your disposal. 


(Signed) ‘‘ “Brooks, Special Representative of the Executive Committee 

of the Communist International.’ 

“A motion to approve this declaration was carried unanimously. Fur- 
thermore, a committee of seven, three members of which are representatives 
of the Comintern in various capacities, was chosen to present plans for the 
unification of the party to the convention and recommend methods as to the 
selection of Central Executive Committee material. This committee is now 
busily engaged in its work. 

“Comrades, this declaration must be accepted in letter and spirit by 
every member of the party. Apropos of this situation in the party the 
District Executive Committee of District 4 [the Cleveland District—Ed.] 
has several weeks ago unanimously passed the following resolutions in the 
‘National Caucus,’ commonly called the ‘Goose Caucus’. 


“The District Executive Committee of District 4 has been informed of 
the existence of various caucuses and particularly of the so-called National 
Caucus and the nature of propaganda they are conducting, This propaganda 
is not based on any ground of principles but purely on personalities, and 
confines itself to attacks on the party’s Central Executive Committee and this 
not even intended to bring any good to the movement as a whole. 


“From all their communications and theses, only one conclusion 
can be drawn which is at the same time their only argument, viz.,—The 
Central Executive Committee does not think the way it acts, we are the only 
ones who force its hand in the proper direction. Such arguments can only 
come from positively misguided and insincere people who have no considera- 
tion for the welfare of the movement but see only their own ego and calcu- 
late how to aspire to power. 

*“*That such rubberneck, backstairs stuff is injurious to the movement 


[238] 


“NEWS LETTER SERVICE” MARKED “RUSH ONE TO EACH GROUP” 


ad 


there is no doubt in the minds of the Committee. It lowers the morale of 
the membership and weakens the discipline in the party. 

* Furthermore, taking into consideration the call of the Central Execu- 
tive Committee to suggest and criticise the theses and propositions of the 
Central Executive Committee and as these caucuses refused to have their 
hand in this work and so reject the invitation of the Central Executive Com- 
mittee to help build the movement through the regular party channels; 

“*The District Executive Committee of District 4 goes on record con- 
demning these caucuses as harmful to the movement and wishes to remind 
the same not to waste their time looking for support in this district where 
you will not find it. 

““We advise those caucuses not to squander their money in mailing 
their stuff to the members in this district where it will bear no fruit, but 
rather to use the regular party channels and so really help build the organ- 
ization in the only way this can be done. ) 

“We call upon our members to maintain the discipline of the party; 
without discipline we cannot build an organization of the revolutionary 
workers.’ 

“The National Office will make every effort possible to keep the mem- 
bership fully informed as to the situation in the party and the Comintern. 
All districts are requested to send district news promptly and regularly to 
the National Office of the party. 


“L. C. Wheat [Lovestone’s party name—Ed.], Executive 
Secretary, Communist party of America, Section of the 
Communist International.” 


[239] 


(ees 





ACh PE NID Gee 


THE WORKERS PARTY ON THE UNITED FRONT 


“1. A United Front of Labor, a solid phalanx of the working class 
drawn up in battle line against the forces of the capitalist class and the 
capitalist state is the prerequisite of a victory of the proletariat. The cre- 
ation of this phalanx is the task of the hour. Groups of workers organized 
in various organizations as well as groups of hitherto unorganized workers 
must be united in support of a common aim and in common action. Many 
organizations of labor though ostensibly formed to fight the battles of labor 
are tied up by their treacherous leaders to the interests of the capitalists 
thus breaking the united front of labor and strengthening the front of cap- 
ital. The problem is to break these groups of workers away from the army 
of capital and line them up with the army of labor thus establishing a united 
front of labor against capital. 

“2. The working class as a whole is not conscious of having class 
interests in irreconcilable conflict with the interests of the capitalists. They 
are conscious, however, of immediate problems that demand solution as a 
condition for their existence, questions of wages, working conditions, etc. 
These questions must form the basis for a United Front of the workers, for 
united action. It is through these struggles and only through them that the 
workers can learn the political character of their struggle. It is in these 
struggles that the betrayers of the workers in the position of leadership must 
be exposed in their true character as enemies of the proletariat and the tools 
of the capitalists. It is in these struggles and only in them that the Com- 
munists can establish their leadership in the class struggle and develop this 
struggle into a revolutionary battle for the overthrow of capitalism and the 
establishment of the proletarian dictatorship as an instrument of Communist 
reconstruction. 

“3. In pursuing the policy of uniting larger and larger masses of the 
workers on the basis of a common struggle the existing organizations of 
the workers must be made more and more effective instruments of these 
struggles. The experience the workers will gain in these struggles will help 
us to gradually eliminate all dualism in the field of economic organizations 
of the workers. Trade lines must be gradually eliminated and step by step 
the organizations of the workers must be welded together into industrial 
unions closely united in one great body. 

“4, While the creation of the United Front can be accomplished on the 
field of economic organization through amalgamation of existing bodies, 
it must be accomplished on the field of political organizations of the workers 


[241] 





REDS IN AMERICA 





by elimination of the influence of such parties and groups whose program 
and action mislead the working class. The economic struggles of the workers 
are carried on by organizations including in their ranks most of the partici- 
pants of the struggle. Working-class political parties can not organize with- 
in their ranks a majority of the working class. These organizations serve 
rather to give leadership to the workers’ political struggles. Those parties 
misleading the workers must be eliminated from such leadership. On the 
basis of immediate issues the workers must be led into political struggles in 
which the Communists prove the superiority of their tactics, their slogans, 
their aims and their leadership as compared with the tactics, slogans, aims 
and leadership of other political groups or parties claiming the support of 
the workers. Thus the Workers’ party will gradually win away the masses of 
politically active workers from the political organizations that betray the 
workers. It will discredit and destroy them and win complete leadership 
in the political struggles of the workers. 

“5. In creating a united front for the working class for their economic 
struggles, the existing labor unions must remain the instrument of these 
struggles while the members of the Workers’ party must be the instruments 
to unify these economic organizations. 

“The plans for the general campaigns are formulated after consider- 
ation of recommendations by party members in the unions. The Central 
Executive Committee of the party formulates the slogans and sends its cor- 
responding instructions through the industrial department to the member- 
ship. At the same time all means of publicity are used by the party for 
propagation of the action contemplated. The unity of action must be estab- 
lished on a basis that can be realized immediately and the action must then 
be developed and led on step by step to the climax. In the process of the 
struggle the weakness of the existing craft union form of organization will 
become apparent. The experience of such struggles, developing these weak- 
nesses must be utilized to drive home the criticism of the present form of or- 
ganization and advantage must be taken of the situation to advance construc- 
tive proposals seeking to eliminate these weaknesses. Thus the amalgamation 
of craft into industrial unions becomes an issue dictated by the necessities 
of the struggles and ceases to be an abstract theoretical bone of contention. 
The main criticism of treacherous or inefficient leaders and the fight against 
them must be based on their shortcomings in the actual struggles. Thus 
the abstract and invariably ineffective criticism on the basis of differences 
in the theoretical conception of the class struggle or the state will give 
way to concrete issues on the basis of which an alignment of the workers 
can be effected. 

“6. In cases where dual industrial organizations are involved in a 
struggle the party must not only take the initiative to offer its services for the 
creation of a unity of purpose, unity of tactics and a united front in action, 
but also the creation of organizational unity. While in such cases the party 
addresses itself to the leaders, the executives of the organization, it also 
propagates the membership of such bodies to the same so that the leader- 
ship that stands in the way of unity will be discredited and eventually 


[242] 


THE WORKERS’ PARTY ON THE UNITED FRONT 


eliminated. But in all such cases, elimination is not the sole object of 
the application of the tactics of the United Front of Labor, but only one of 
its purposes. 

“7, Not only those workers who have immediate interests in a struggle 
should compose the United Front. All issues of importance must be made 
class issues and the working masses rallied to the support of the workers 
immediately concerned. Only by thus broadening the struggle will the 
working masses become class conscious. 

“8. Separate delegated bodies, councils, etc., for the organization and 
direction of the united working class action on the economic field must be 
organized only if there is no danger of serious conflict with existing bodies 
of the same character. In all cases where such directive bodies are created 
they should be formed, if at all possible, on the initiative and by action of 
the unions involved. Our party organization will supply the initiative where 
the forming of such bodies becomes necessary. No basis for even a shade 
of suspicion or dualistic intention must be given. 

“OQ, The creation of a United Front of Labor on the political field in 
the United States is the problem of the development of independent political 
action of the working class. The working class of Europe has for a long 
time participated independently in political activities. Not so in the United 
States. Here the problem is not to unite existing political groups and or- 
ganizations for common action, but to awake political class consciousness 
among the workers. The class struggle has reached such a degree of inten- 
sity here that every battle of the workers reveals the political character of 
the struggles that is teaching the proletarian masses the necessity for class 
conscious political action. The numerous efforts of all kinds of labor or- 
ganizations to form a labor party in the United States is evidence of this 
fact. These struggles indicate a step forward in the progress of the class 
struggle toward revolutionary working class action. To oppose this ten- 
dency toward the formation of a labor party would be folly. 

“10. The capitalists realize the potentialities of even a tame and not 
in the least revolutionary independent labor party for the development of 
the class consciousness of the workers. Their tools in the labor movement 
have, therefore, consistently opposed its formation. But when its formation 
can no longer be prevented these capitalist tools will assume the leadership 
of the movement for a labor party and will exert every effort to reduce such 
a party to a mere machine for their election, and to prevent it from becoming 
a real weapon for the workers in the class struggle. To make the labor 
party an instrument of the class struggle and the revolution the participa- 
tion of the Communists is an imperative necessity. It is not in the interest 
of the proletarian revolution nor can the Workers’ party assume responsi- 
bility for the largest political power of the workers remaining dormant. The 
party must not oppose the coming to life of this power because it has not 
yet the standing and influence among masses to set it at work in the name 
of and for the purpose of Communism. 

“11. To promote the development of the political action of the working 
class into revolutionary action the Communists must become a factor in the 


[243] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


Labor party that may be formed. We can achieve this end only if we antici- 
pate the formation of such a party and now adopt a policy through which 
we will become established as a force in the political struggle of the workers 
and thus an important factor in the labor party. The participation in a 
United Front in local political struggles will give us a strong position 
in relation to the labor party. 


“12. Attempts to misuse the name of Labor party in the formation in 
some sort of a ‘workers’ non-partisan league’ must be guarded against. Such 
a party would merely exploit the growing desire for independent working 
class political action to get endorsements for some misleaders of labor on 
capitalist party tickets, on the principle of Gompers: “Reward our friends 
and punish our enemies.’ It is the work of the Communists to also guard 
against the formation of such a labor party as is forecast in the work of 
the Conference for Progressive Political Action. This conference includes 
not only representatives of labor, but progressives and liberals of every 
shade. A party such as forecast by this conference would not mobilize the 
political power of the workers for the immediate struggles against the capit- 
alists but would dissipate that power in election campaigns fought on the 
basis of petty ameliorative reforms and of schemes for minor changes in 
the form of the capitalist government. Such a party would be merely a 
larger but weaker edition of the Socialist party, which has for two decades 
misdirected the political energies of the workers supporting it through its 
program of reforms and limitations of the political struggle of the workers 
to mere participation in election campaigns. The Communists must fight 
to make the labor party a real instrument of the class struggle, fighting the 
immediate battles of the workers on the political field and engaging in 
political action, from election campaigns to mass strikes with political ob- 
jectives and their logical developments in revolutionary struggles. 


“13. The Workers’ party must not artificially force the development of 
a labor party. It must through educational work win support of the masses 
of the workers for the movement of the labor party. 


“14. The work of education can best be carried on through establish- 
ment of the United Front on the basis of political issues growing out of the 
intense economic struggles of the workers. The party must use its influence 
and strength in the trade unions to form delegated conferences of labor 
organizations. Such conferences decide on a general political campaign 
including all forms of political action. Through these tactics. the Com- 
munists help to awaken the political consciousness of the proletarian masses, 
broaden the conception of these masses as to the meaning of political action 
and establish themselves as a force in the political activities of the workers. 
The party must be the most ardent champion of all such action and must 
identify itself with all its phases. Our members should initiate such action 
through the unions. The position which we will thus gain for our party 
will attract the revolutionary forces of the workers of the United States 
and they will rally around our banner. These tactics will make us a force 
which will have to be considered in the event of the formation of a labor 


[244] 


THE WORKERS’ PARTY ON THE UNITED FRONT 





party and we will be able to influence its character and its activities and 
win leadership in it. 

“15. The United Front tactics can not be interpreted to mean organ- 
ization unity with any other organization. The Workers’ party must exist 
as a distinct organization with a disciplined, educated membership acting 
upon a revolutionary platform to give leadership to the struggles of the 
workers. In all its activities the party retains its full independence, its right 
of criticism and its freedom of action. The Workers’ party must be the left 
and the most active section of the labor movement on both the economic and 
political field. By its unceasing activities, by its correct interpretation of 
problems and situations and by its qualities of a fighting advance guard of 
the workers, it must gradually eliminate all other parties and groups claim- 
ing the support of the workers as a factor in leadership. It will win leader- 
ship in all the phases of the struggle of the working class and lead the solid 
phalanx of the proletariat into the last decisive battle against the capitalist 
class, the capitalist state and the capitalist system. 


PROGRAM FOR COMING ELECTIONS 


“1. The United Political Front embraces political action from election 
campaigns, mass demonstrations to mass strikes with political objectives and 
their logical development in revolutionary struggles. The basis for a United 
Political Front which will embrace the working masses has not yet been 
created in the United States. To enter into a political federation with exist- 
ing political organizations, none of which have the support of the masses 
of the workers, would be to negate the possibility of creating a real United 
Front of the workers politically. The Workers’ party will, therefore, as a 
rule nominate its own candidates in the coming elections and carry on its 
campaign independently. 

“2. However, wherever the Central Labor body of a city votes for 
independent political action by the organized workers, thus indicating that 
the movement has the support of the organized workers, or the fact that 
the movement for independent political action has the support of the masses 
is otherwise indicated, the Workers party will support this action by join- 
ing, as an autonomous body, into a federation to carry on the struggle. It 
will take the initiative in those cases where it considers conditions ripe for 
such action. The conditions for such participation are the following: 


“(a) All working class organizations ready to participate in the United 
Front campaign must be accepted as part of the federation. 

“(b) The platform must raise as the issues of the campaign immediate 
questions of the class struggle such as unemployment relief, the open shop, 
the use of the injunction against the workers, opposition to industrial 
courts, etc. 

“(c) The United Front federation should adopt as the name under 
which the candidates are placed on the ballot and the campaign conducted, 


a name other than that of an existing political party, if the name ‘Workers’ 
party’ and its candidates are not endorsed. 


[245] 





REDS IN AMERICA 


“Permission to place candidates on the ballot under the name of an 
existing working class political organization may be granted by the Central 
Executive Committee when technical conditions make that necessary; in such 
instances, however, the campaign must be conducted under the name of the 
United Front Federation. 

“3. In such political division where it develops that a candidate of 
another party claiming to be a working class party will be defeated through 
votes cast for the Workers’ party candidate and a capitalist party candidate 
elected, the Workers’ party will follow a policy appropriate to the situation. 
The unsound principles and tactics of reform parties can be demonstrated 
in action. Also, the Workers’ party can best gain the confidence of the 
masses of the workers who support candidates of these parties in districts 
where there is prospect of their success, by not causing defeat and the elec- 
tion of capitalist candidates, but advocating their election and proving 
through their election the futility of their party program in action. The 
Workers’ party in such instances may withdraw its candidates prior to the 
election, at the same time issuing a manifesto making its criticism of the 
candidates in whose favor it withdraws and stating the ground for its action.” 


[246] 


AGP Ph NeDi lex ak 


NEXT TASKS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY IN AMERICA 


“In the earlier stages the Communist movement usually lacks the broad, 
directing viewpoint from which can be found the guideposts for its various 
steps. Inexperienced communists, for example, attack imperialism only in 
general, in its universal aspect, without exact information and minute atten- 
tion to the unique manifestations of imperialism within the given country. 
They do not in any way direct their attacks for the purpose of playing up 
against each other the antagonistic interests of various imperialistic groups. 

“Also, the representatives of false tendencies in the labor movement 
they attack in general terms, with indiscriminate battle cries having perhaps 
the desired application to some, but having in regard to others perhaps the 
exact opposite of the desired result. In a word, they strike around with their 
eyes closed against all opponents of their own narrow communist groups. 
They fight as a little sect fights, against the entire outer world. 

“Such primitive methods of battle, even when combined with the greatest 
zeal and heroism, are not dangerous to the enemies of communism. 

“The Communists begin to be effective in the political struggle only 
when they adopt concrete, strategic aims for their movement, based upon 
a thorough examination of the facts. With a determined, purposeful drive 
to these aims, with the subjection of every phase of our movement to this 
principle, our movement begins to be effective. 

“In order to assist the American comrades in working out and formu- 
lating their line of action, the Executive Committee of the Communist [nter- 
national proposes for their examination the following points: 


“1. As the greatest force opposing the proletarian world revolution 
appears at the moment to be the counter-revolutionary world alliance of 
American, English, French and Japanese capitalism, it is of vital interest 
to the proletarian revolutionary movement to work against the establish- 
ment and consolidation of this alliance, to attack its advocates most ruth- 
lessly, to cut its tap-root, if possible, to disturb its growth unceasingly, and 
adroitly to make use of the conflicting interests within it. 

“The narrow nationalism of the American Japanophobes and Anglo- 
phobes is not liberal or humanitarian nor friendly to labor, and is not in 
the slightest degree more acceptable to us than was the attempted bourgeois 
internationalism of the League of Nations, and yet, to the extent of its own 
cupidity, it really hinders and disturbs the process of uniting the counter- 
revolutionary forces in the capitalist world. To the extent that this narrow 
nationalism (Japanophobia and Anglophobia) attacks and tends to smash 


[247] 


REDS IN AMERICA 





the outside world robbers (and let us hope, smash itself )—to this extent it 
is doing the historic work of self-destruction of the capitalist world system; 
and in this work it must not be hindered by us. Therefore, though we will 
not, in the role of social-patriots, help the chauvinists in their predatory 
ventures, we will make use of chauvinistic blindness on behalf of the pro- 
letarian revolution. 

“2. Soviet Russia, as the mainspring of the international revolutionary 
movement of the proletariat, must be supported in every way. It must be 
supported with economic help through the self-sacrifice of the workers of 
all countries. And, most of all, it must be helped through the class struggle 
of the workers in all-capitalist countries against their own bourgeoisies. 
The fiercer the class struggle of the American proletariat rages, the less will 
be the pressure of the international counter-revolution upon Soviet Russia. 
In this respect the communists must learn how to make use of the conflicting 
interests of the various factions of the bourgeoisie, how to turn the greed of 
the bourgeoisie for profits and how to exploit the various tendencies growing 
out of greedy speculation, to the advantage of the Russian revolution, 
and thus to the advantage of the proletarian world revolution. 

“3. The prerequisite of victory for the working class is that the work- 
ing class unite itself for the class struggle. To bring about this unification, 
isolated action, participated in solely by communists, will not suffice. It 
is necessary to bring about common ‘mass action’ of workers who are not 
yet communists. For this purpose the communists must penetrate the work- 
ing masses to the utmost, must work together with them, must live and fight 
with them and lead them forward in both major and minor battles. 


“The uniting of the workers in general class struggle organizations and 
the joining of the various ones of these organizations into close relationships 
—this and not merely to attain communist purity and perfection of program 
—is the task now facing the Communist party of America. The conscious- 
ness of the working masses is naturally very unclear at this time, half bour- 
geois, and undeveloped from the standpoint of the revolutionary vanguard. 
But, generally speaking, it will develop more clearly only during the pro- 
cess of the struggle itself, through the common struggle against the bour- 
geoisie and through experience in the general class struggle organizations. 

“As a matter of course not all organizations to which workers belong 
can be used as instruments of the proletarian class struggle, just as not 
every action of the workers can further the siruggle. But the question of 
the possibilities of given organizations must be examined and judged on its 
own merits in each case. It is unthinkable, for instance, that a colossal 
trade union organization such as the American Federation of Labor could 
be composed entirely of enemies of the working class, as are such capitalist 
organizations as the Ku Klux Klan or the various strikebreaking bodies. 
Here a distinction must always be made between the reactionary traitorous 
leadership and the unconsciously petty bourgeois minded mass which we 
have to win. 

‘And just so one must not consider any mass movement of the unem- 
ployed, no matter how primitive, faltering and unclear, as being hopelessly 


[248] 


NEXT TASKS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY IN AMERICA 


ere See tee A A en eS st 


merely a peaceful movement with which the communists will have nothing 
and permanently under bourgeois influence. The general elections, in which 
hundreds of thousands of workers take part, can not be rejected as being 
merely a peaceful movement with which the Communists will have nothing 
to do. Further, certain mass organizations which not only are not com- 
munistic but are not proletarian in composition, must be utilized by com- 
munist strategy for the benefit of the proletarian class struggle. 

“As, for instance, the existing mass movements of small farmers (who 
are, in a sense, semiproletarian), and even movements of middle class 
farmers under some circumstances. Another instance is the negro mass 
movement for racial betterment, which movement often attempts deliberately 
to avoid proletarian class character but must include great masses of toilers. 
Communist strategy must utilize these movements as auxiliary forces or, 
at least, must win them to benevolent neutrality in the class war. 

“4. In the present period of the dissolution of the capitalist system, 
the most important tasks of the communists of all capitalist countries is 
the revolutionizing of the proletarian class struggle. The fighting prole- 
tariat is to be led from one stage to another in the revolutionizing process 
by means of suitable slogans. They must help the proletariat to free itself 
from the illusions and false traditions that limit its vision and fetter its 
activities and to counteract the fossilizing influence of the trade union bu- 
reaucracy. One must organize the proletariat for the historic training school 
in which it will learn to become the conqueror of capitalism. 

“Only the Communist party can do this. The organization and training 
of the Communist party as leader of the revolutionary movement is therefore 
the fundamental task of the communists. 

“The communists must now take the lead in the struggle against the 
reduction of wages. This struggle in its various forms is especially adapted 
for uniting the largest masses of workers in one organization for the 
common struggle. The conservative labor leaders will find themselves placed 
in a most difficult position through this struggle, where they will soon be 
forced to plainly unmask their cowardly wobbling and their treacherous 
role, and where they will bring upon themselves the wrath of the struggling 
workers. In America almost nothing has been done so far in this direction, 
but it must be done thoroughly before one can even think of the victory of 
the working class in the revolutionary struggle. 

“The organization of the unemployed is an equally important and 
difficult task. In this movement, just as much as in all other minor battles, 
the communists must select their slogans according to the circumstances and 
intensify them as much as possible from the immediate needs of the day 
to the general workers’ control of capitalist industry. Right now they must 
make a special demand for state support of the unemployed out of the 
military budget. 

“The Communist party must remember that it is not its purpose to 
reform the capitalist state! The purpose of the communists is, on the 
contrary, to cure the working masses of their reformistic illusions through 
bitter experience. Demands upon the state for immediate concessions to the 
workers must be made not after the fashion of the Social-Democratic parties 


[249] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


which try to make those demands within the limits in which the state can 
grant them while retaining its strength intact. 


“Communist demands for immediate concessions to the workers are 
formulated not to be ‘reasonable’ from the point of view of capitalism, 
but to be reasonable from the point of view of the struggling workers, 
regardless of the state’s power to grant them without weakening itself. 
Thus, for instance, a demand for payment out of the government treasury 
of full, union, standard wages for millions of unemployed workers is highly 
reasonable from the point of view of the unemployed workers, but damag- 
ing from the point of view of the capitalist state and the capitalist wage 
competition which the state defends. 


“We suggest a few examples of the type of demands that may be made. 
It must be clearly understood that those are merely examples for illustration 
and are not binding, nor are they to be concretely regarded even as advised 
by the Committee. 


“1. That all combinations or agreements having the purpose of re- 
ducing the rate of wages for the purpose of common action against labor 
organization shall be made, in law, a criminal conspiracy. 


“2. That no injunction shall be issued against workers for activities 
toward raising the rate of wages or reducing the hours of labor. 


“3. A constitutional amendment forbidding such laws as the Kansas 
industrial court law. 


“4. A constitutional provision guaranteeing the unlimited right of 
peaceful picketing. 

“DS. For the disarming of all private detective cops in strike regions 
or elsewhere. All organizations for the purpose of forming armed bodies 
to engage in activities against strikers to be declared criminal conspiracy. 

“6. That no process of law, criminal or otherwise, shall be allowed 
forcibly to detain any regularly elected labor union official from his union 
duties during the process of a labor dispute. 

“7. Constitutional amendment forbidding the use of military or naval 
force in any matter connected with the labor dispute. 

“8. Legal provision for the maintenance of order in strike regions 
by the appointment of members of the labor unions involved, such members 
to be nominated by the labor organizations and armed from the public 
supplies for the purpose of maintaining order during the period of the 
strike. 

“9. Constitutional provision abolishing the United States Labor Board 
and prohibiting the executive to interfere in labor disputes. 

“10. Favoring a close alliance of the United Mine Workers of Amer- 
ica with the railroad brotherhoods and all other unions, for common action 
to raise the standard of living of all workers in both industries. 

“11. General amnesty for all persons imprisoned as a result of 
strikes or other incidents of the labor struggle. General amnesty for all 
persons convicted of crime in any way relating to the labor movement 
or into whose criminal trial any evidence was offered against the defendant 


[250] 





NEXT TASKS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY IN AMERICA 


———_ 


regarding the latter’s view of the class struggle or political views. General 
amnesty for all prisoners convicted of political offenses. 


“12. Kor the Plumb plan, amended to give labor a majority of direc- 
tors. 


“13. Immediate bonus of $500 to every soldier or sailor enlisted 
in the United States forces during the world war; $1,000 to those having 
been granted wound stripes. A payment of $5,000 (in addition to all 
payments otherwise provided for) to the dependents of every soldier or 
sailor who died in the service during the war period. Funds for this pur- 
pose to be taken from the military and naval budgets, respectively. 


“14. For the unrestricted rights of soldiers and sailors to organize 
unions. Immunity for all grievance committees of private soldiers or sailors. 
No private soldier or sailor to be judged by court-martial except composed 
entirely by private soldiers or sailors elected for the purpose within the 
military unit concerned. 


“15. Absolute prohibition of foreclosures upon farm property for 


debts. 


“16. For national credit, to the full value of his farm, to every 
farmer holding less than $20,000 worth of farm property, the money to 
be advanced out of the National Treasury at interest to cover the cost of 
the loan transaction. 


“17. For national credit, to the full extent of their holdings, to all 
farm co-operatives, on the same basis. 


“18. National monopoly, and operation at cost, of all grain elevators 
except those in the hands of bona-fide farmers’ cooperatives, or which in 
future may be established by such organizations. 

“19. The liquidation of the Ku Klux Klan, invoking the criminal 
conspiracy laws in prosecuting all persons connected with the organization. 

“20. Condemnation of the Washington conference as a preparation 
for a new world war. Condemnation of the imperialistic partitioning of 
the Far East and other regions for exploitation. 

“21. Warning of world war to grow out of secret and other arrange- 
ments made in Washington conference. Condemnation of this in advance 
as imperialistic warfare. 

“22. For the immediate recognition and unrestricted trade with Soviet 
Russia. For the reestablishment of postal agreement with Russia. 

“These and other similar demands must be considered only as starting 
points for broader, sharper, more universal slogans. In their agitation the 
communists must point out that the problems will not be solved through 
these measures, but that we support these demands of the masses so that 
the very course of events itself may unmask the capitalist state and the 
opponents of the working class, and prove to the masses the necessity of 
the final struggle for power against the capitalist state itself. In this un- 
masking process the communists must make use of every device to discredit 
the opposition. At times they must develop a direct attack, brand every 
mistake, every crime, every refusal of the demands of the toiling masses and 


[251] 





REDS IN AMERICA 





constantly demonstrate the solidarity and identity of the capitalist class with 
the capitalist state. 


“The communists must participate as revolutionists in all general 
election campaigns, municipal, state and congressional, as well as presi- 
dential, not in the same manner as the social traitors and centrists, not 
in order to avoid violent revolution and substitute parliamentary activity 
for revolution, but, on the other hand, in order to use even the election 
campaigns to revolutionize the workers and lead them forward, to sharpen 
their class consciousness and to bring them together and unite them under 
communist leadership. 

“Class conscious, courageous and wise communists, as elected repre- 
sentatives of the worker, can always find the possibility in the various 
institutions of the bourgeois state, on one way or another, to give effective 
object lessons to revolutionize the working class. Besides, the Communist 
party can conceal its underground apparatus and develop it very effectively 
within the outer framework of the legal campaign organization and the 
election activities. 

“Tn all these minor struggles, as well as the final revolutionary battle 
of the proletariat, the party organization must be the leader of the struggling 
workers. 

“Its weapons are manifold, and vary, according to the situation, from 
entirely legal propaganda, from election campaigns, from modest move- 
ments, for increase of wages, and from peaceful demonstrations to the 
revolutionary strike and to the various forms of armed revolutionary class 
struggle. 

“In agitation and propaganda, communists cannot be satisfied with 
mere dogmatic presentation of communist principles of the propagandizing 
of the armed struggle under all circumstances. They must not permit 
themselves to appear to the masses as fanatic bomb enthusiasts who know 
nothing about the realities of life. They must understand how to lead the 
working masses from the struggle for the satisfaction of their first concrete 
needs on to such a battle that the struggling masses themselves will begin to 
believe in success and victory. 


“The legal party press is, under all circumstances, a most important 
weapon to the Communist party. Just as the political movement of the 
workers in America has remained very backward in regard to matters of 
organization, so the revolutionary labor press is also as yet very weak. 
Its development is at the present moment the most urgent task of the party. 
As long as the party does not possess at least one or two legal dailies in 
the English language it is still crawling around on all fours. The party 
must do everything in its power in order to secure decided influence and 
direct or indirect control over as many existing papers of various labor or- 
ganizations as possible. Especially it must try to win control over the labor 
union press. In addition the party must publish an illegal official organ. 


“All good possibilities of both the legal and illegal activities must 
be utilized by the party energetically. He who wants to liquidate the 
illegal activities is no communist at all, and neither is that type of con- 


[252] 


‘NEXT TASKS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY IN AMERICA 


spirator who does not want to know anything about legal activities. 

“Under existing circumstances it is impossible for the Communist party 
in the United States to be a legal party. Of course the party can develop 
open labor organizations, It can even build a legal revolutionary workers’ 
organization. It can even also launch a legal revolutionary labor party. 
It must launch also such a legal party with the purpose that the communists 
can openly enter its ranks without permitting the police to know which of 
the members are communists and which are not. But the underground 
organization, whose membership consists entirely of communists, must not 
be liquidated. On the contrary, it must be built even firmer and stronger. 
Tt must guide and control the legal revolutionary party through its mem- 
bers. Every Communist, that is, every member of the underground party, 
must submit to an iron discipline, and must act in accordance with the 
directions of the leading organs of the underground party in all legal as 
well as illegal activities. 

“As a matter of course, all real communists in the United States will 
subscribe to this. The executive of the Communist International knows 
that the minority of the party executives does not deny the advisability of 
taking advantage of legal opportunities, although this minority opposes the 
rapid and energetic procedure of the majority in founding the legal revolu- 
tionary party. This distinction is, in the judgment of the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Communists, without good ground. 

“The fact that the party executive is proceeding rapidly and energeti- 
cally with the formation of the Legal party organization is not a fault. It 
would have been a fault to wait the launching of the legal party until the 
underground organization had developed sufficient strength. The develop- 
ment of the underground organizations can best be furthered through these 
very activities of its members in the ranks of the legal party. Historic prog- 
ress is not such a simple matter as to leave us the liberty first to complete 
the development of the underground party apparatus and only then to begin 
the building of the legal party organization. In this manner the very best 
opportunities for the launching of the legal party would be lost. 

“The centrists would have a free field for their efforts at founding an 
independent opportunist party. This opportunity must not be left to them. 
The Communist party must take the initiative in the formation of the new 
legal party and must take the control firmly into its own hands. It must 
be careful to hold itself the actual control over all the leading organs of the 
legal party. For this reason, the legal organization must take the permanent 
form of a party organization. Some other loose organization form would 
be very much more difficult to control and to guide. Furthermore, the devel- 
opment of a solidly organized legal party, in which members of the Com- 
munist party have at least the majority on all important committees, will make 
possible the control of still other anti-capitalistic organizations through this 
legal party. 

“For the foregoing reason we draw your attention to the following for 
your guidance: 

“1. The Communist party of America is as yet far from having satis- 


[253] 





REDS IN AMERICA 





factory connections with the masses. The means of contact must be con- 
structed with the greatest possible speed. 

“2, Connection with the masses essentially implies a public operation. 
Secret operations, even with the widest possible ramifications, can not be 
satisfactory mass operations. The means of public contact with the masses 
must be principally: 

“(a) A legal press, including at least one daily English legal news- 
paper, acting with the necessary disguise as a central party organ. 

“(b) Organized grouping of sympathizers within the trade unions. 

“(c) An overground political party. 

“3. Certain indispensable accompaniments to the highest developed 
capitalist form of society leaves weakness in the capitalist structure that has 
to be taken advantage of by a Communist party of action. The Government 
of the United States will not permit a Communist party to exist, but is com- 
pelled to permit parties to exist in an otherwise almost unrestricted variety 
for the purpose of its own preservation. The capitalist class builds its regime 
upon the rock foundation—the mass illusion that social questions are solved 
in the sphere in which these parties operate. The state attempts, wherever 
it can, to exclude a truly proletarian revolutionary party from this public 
field. It attempts first to exterminate the revolutionary party, if possible, or 
second, to terrorize and corrupt the revolutionary party into subservience to 
capitalist law which makes revolution impossible, or third, at least to confine 
the revolutionary party’s operations to the narrow sphere that can be reached 
secretly. 

“A Communist party must defeat all these attempts. It must not be 
exterminated. It must unequivocally refuse to obey capitalist law and must 
urge the working class to the violent destruction of the entire legal machinery. 
It is equally the duty of a Communist party to defeat by any means that may 
be necessary the capitalist government’s attempt to confine the revolutionary 
party to the underground channels in which it is even more concealed from 
the masses than it is from the government. 

“4. The program of the legal party will have to be somewhat restricted. 
Special measures and slogans which, while not stating the illegal communist 
purpose, will objectively have the revolutionary effect upon the masses, must 
be adopted. The legal party must at all times go as far toward the communist 
program as possible while continuing a legal existence. 

“5. The entire membership of the underground party, the real Commu- 
nist party, must join the open party and become its most active element. Com- 
munist party members must at all times hold the positions of leadership in 
the legal party. In addition to the entire communist party membership, the 
legal party should admit to its ranks the more advanced workers who accept 
the principle of the class struggle and the abolition of capitalism through 
the establishment of the workers’ power. Working class organizations that 
subscribe to these principles can be admitted to or affiliated with the legal 
party as a body within the judgment of the central executive committee of 
the Communist party. 

“6. The executive of the Communist International has resolved to sup- 


[254] 


"NEXT TASKS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY IN AMERICA 





port the position of the majority of the Central Executive Committee of the 
Communist party of America in favor of the immediate construction of a 
legal political party on a national scale, which will act as an instrument of 
the illegal Communist party for participation in legal activities such as elec- 
toral campaigns, etc. The executive of the Comintern takes this position after 
having been informed that the minority of the Executive Committee of the 
Communist party of America accepts in principle the tactics of the legal work 
of various sorts at the present time, but rejects the tactics of the immediate 
construction of a legal political party on a national scale with the Communist 
party as its nucleus. The ruling of the Communist International must be ac- 
cepted as obligating every member of the Communist party of America, min- 
ority or majority, to work diligently in the immediate construction of a legal 
political party. As a rule, party members who fail to participate whole- 
heartedly in the legal work or who sabotage that work must leave the party. 

“7, But in carrying out these instructions, the party must guard itself 
against the tendency to repudiate or neglect the illegal work—the tendency 
will be found especially among intellectual party members who have little 
experience in the brutal physical phases of the class struggle to which the 
rank and file workers are always exposed, but from which the intellectuals 
engaged in legal political work are sometimes shielded. Upon finding them- 
selves in the easier life of political activities many will forget that no matter 
what maneuvers may be made upon the public stage the final class struggle 
must be until its end a brutal fight of physical force. A certain element of 
the party membership will inevitably forget this fundamental principle 
(which no humble worker in the class struggle is allowed to forget) and 
will come forward with naive proposals for liquidating the illegal machinery 
of the party. Such a tendency is very dangerous to a proletarian revolution- 
ary party. The actual liquidation of the underground party would mean the 
liquidation of the revolutionary movement. Party members who persist in 
such a view must be ruthlessly expelled from the illegal party. 

“8. The underground organization of the Communist party must not sink 
into disuse, but, on the contrary, must constantly extend its illegal machinery 
further and further, in proportion to the growth of the illegal party. While 
coming out in the open, the Communist party must not make the mistake of 
being trapped in the open by exposing its national or district communist 
party headquarters, records of illegal machinery, its underground printing 
arrangements or the personnel of its Central Executive Committee. The Cen- 
tral Executive Committee headquarters (of the party proper) must continue 
to be guarded in secrecy (and even the problem of redoubling its security 
from discovery should be constantly studied). 

“The underground machinery of the Communist party is not merely for 
emergencies, but for constant and permanent use. Down to the lowest unit— 
the group of ten—every branch and stem of the party structure must continue 
to keep its secret addresses and meeting places and to use them in constant 
underground functioning. Every member, no matter what his work in the 
legal party, must also perform his duties in the underground organization. 

“9, The party underground press must continue. The means of pub- 


[255] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


lishing unknown to and in spite of the capitalist authorities must always be 
kept in hand and in use. Under bourgeois rule, no matter how liberal it may 
be, a Communist party must never relinquish its facilities for underground 
press and, under the circumstances now prevailing in the United States, the 
active functioning of the underground press can not be abated. But it would 
be foolish to print any considerable amount of literature underground that 
could be printed legally. The legal political party will be able to take upon 
itself the printing of a large portion of the literature that is not definitely 
illegal. It may also be made sponsor for a great many legal communist 
newspapers. Legal newspapers must form a very large part of the work of 
the mass party. The illegal press must carry the propaganda that the legal 
press can not carry, thus making sure that the full communist message is 
made clear at all times. 

“10. The intellectual workers in these legal institutions of the party must 
be subject to the same discipline, wage scale and regulations as underground 
party workers. It must always be remembered that the real revolutionary 
party—the American Section of the Third Iniernational—is the Communist 
party of America and that the legal party is but an instrument which it uses 
to better carry on its work among the masses. Only through membership in 
the American section—the Communist party of America—can American 
workers become members of the Communist International. 


“Dear comrades, we hope that, in your coming party convention, all of 
you will give evidence, in your resolutions and actions, of firm, organic unity 
-and that your party will prove its ability to measure up to the great respon- 
sibilities that stand before it. 


“With communistic greetings. 

“Executive committee of the Communist International. 
“N. BUKHARIN, 
“K. RADEK, 
“O. W. KUSINEN, 


“Secretary.” 


[256] 


A’PeP EON DOE XC 


“OUR BOLSHEVIST MOLES” 


(Under this caption the London Morning Post published in December, 
1922, and January, 1923, a series of articles showing from authentic docu- 
ments the activities of the Communists in Great Britain. By special per- 
mission of the editor of the Post the substance of the articles is herewith 
reprinted to illustrate the similarity of the Communist work in foreign 
lands with that in America and as evidence of the international character of 
the gigantic conspiracy to bring the entire world down to the level of the 
workers when the “dictatorship of the proletariat” shall have been estab- 


lished. 

Just as the Moscow Communisis hoped to make of the coal miners’ 
strike in the United States the first step toward armed insurrection against 
the Government in the summer of 1922, so the same group planned to use 
_the British coal strike at the same time. Following is first an editorial from 
the London Morning Post of December 28, 1922, the date of the beginning 
of the series. Then, in sequence, are the articles.) 


We are able to begin today the publication of a series of articles de- 
scribing in detail the organization and the methods of what, we say deliber- 
ately, is one of the most dangerous revolutionary conspiracies with which 
this country has ever been confronted. The information we shall publish 
is drawn from the secret documents of the Communist party. That party 
is now the dominating force of the Labor party, which is numerously rep- 
resented in Parliament. Those members of the Labor Party who are not 
either, overtly or secretly, Communists no longer exert any influence, nor 
do they possess a coherent policy. Unable to check the revolutionaries in 
the past, the men who are fond of describing their views as moderate and 
who deprecate methods of violence, are now dragged impotently in the wake 
of the Communists. In the opinion of the Communists, the old-style Labor 
leader is no longer worth consideration, and accordingly the order has 
gone forth from Moscow that he is to be superseded by the genuine revolu- 
tionary. It must not be imagined that Communism is accurately represented 
in the House of Commons by the few noisy persons who have already earned 
the contempt alike of the House and of the public. Men much more formi- 
dable are directing the Communist party in this country, which, as we shall 
prove, take their orders straight from Moscow. We shall show, also, that 
the Communists are formed into a vast secret society, with its centers in 
every town and district, and its agents in every walk of society. There is 
here disclosed no ordinary manufactured political agitation, such as the 


[257] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


elder Socialist movement, for which the Communists express the liveliest 
contempt. 


In the documents from which we shall draw indisputable evidence, it 
is clearly shown that the great mining strike was initiated and directed by 
the Communists as the first step towards revolution; and the failure of that 
treasonable conspiracy was the subject of severe rebuke on the part of the 
notorious Russian Bolshevik, Karl Radek. It was, indeed, by reason of the 
defeat of the Communist plot on that occasion that the new Communist or- 
ganization, of which we shall give a full account, was instituted. It was dic- 
tated from Moscow, and it is based throughout, as we shall show, on what is 
called the Theses of the Communist Internationale. The Communist party 
in Great Britain is recognized by Moscow, and as a condition of that recog- 
nition every member of the Communist party must accept and carry into 
execution the instructions of the Theses. Members are bound to perform 
work both legal and illegal when they are ordered to do so. Those who 
fail in obedience “must be excluded from the party.” The Theses of the 
Second Congress of the Communist Internationale contain definite and mi- 
nute instructions for the dissemination of Bolshevist doctrines, not only 
among the “proletariat,” but in every grade of the community. Every con- 
vert to Communism becomes a potential or active agent of revolution, work- 
ing under strict and detailed instructions. Groups or “nuclei” are consti- 
tuted in all districts, which are under the direction of regional committees, 
which in their turn are guided by the central body, which is always in 
session in London. The scheme of organization has been elaborated, as our 
readers will perceive, with consummate ability. Its main purpose is to 
ensure incessant activity in every branch of revolution, from the teaching 
of children to the preparation for armed insurrection. The Theses demand 
practical results. The leaders of revolution in Moscow are no longer content 
with mere dissemination of doctrine or the issuing of manifestos. The 
central authority in this country is the Executive Committee of the Com- 
munist party; which, as we have observed, is the most active force in the 
Labor party; and the Executive Committee in this country is responsible 
to the Executive of the Communist Internationale at Moscow, and is bound 
by the decisions given by Moscow. 


Such is the outline of the very dangerous revolutionary organization 
whose workings we shall expose. It should be remembered that we are here 
dealing, not with the wild project of a few half-crazed visionaries, but with 
the work of bold, cunning, and unscrupulous men, who have not only 
planned the revolution in this country but who, with the help of the Labor 
party proper, or at least with their connivance, have actually carried into 
execution the first measures of the revolutionary campaign. Indeed, so 
serious is the menace that we hope none of our readers will dismiss the 
information with the comfortable thought that the British people have too 
much sense to engage in revolution. Doubtless that consideration is gener- 
ally accurate, but the Bolsheviks, who rule the Labor party, have provided 
against that contingency also by formulating the principle that, given time 
and opportunity, a resolute minority can always “stampede the majority.” 


[258] 


‘SOUR BOLSHEVIST MOLES’”’ 


That is perilously true. The danger, some of whose secrets—but by no 
means all—we unmask, is a present and an active danger. It demands not 
only the strict attention of the Government but the lively consideration of 
every honest citizen. The Communist is the sworn and deadly enemy of 
society. Destitute alike of morals and of natural scruple, he is no more to 
be tolerated than a wild beast; and for the same reasons. 


At a special Conference of the Communist party of Great Britain, held 
in London last March, a Commission was appointed “to review the organi- 
zation of the party in the light of the Theses (of the Communist Interna- 
tional). . . and to make detailed recommendations to the Executive 
Committee and to the Annual Conference for the application of the Theses.” 
The members of the Commission were Messrs. R. Palmer Dutt (editor of 
the Labour Monthly), M. Inkpin, and M. Pollitt (editor of All Power, an 
organ of the Red International of Labor Unions). The following were the 
terms of reference: 


(1) To draft such revision of the Constitution as may seem necessary 
to bring it into accord with the Theses. 

(2) To examine and report on the existing divisions, areas and other 
units. 

(3) To draw up a full scheme for the co-ordination and direction of 
groups and nuclei in the Trade Unions and other working-class organiza- 
tions, and to make recommendations as to the first steps to be taken in the 
practical operation of the scheme. 

(4) To consider the organization of the party centre and make recom- 
mendations. 

(5) To bring under review the party press and other form of propa- 
ganda in order to make possible a more effective fulfillment of the Theses 
in these respects. 


The Report of the Commission has been represented to the party, 
and was adopted by the annual Conference, held at the Battersea Town 
Hall on October 7. It is a remarkable document, and is worthy of very 
careful study by employers, Trade Unionists, Co-operators, Government 
departments and by all who are fighting Bolshevism. Unfortunately, the 
report is only for members of the Communist party. It is, therefore, 
necessary for the writer to describe this document in detail, so that those 
who may be directly or indirectly affected by the underground burrowings of 
our Bolshevist moles will be familiar with their methods and plans. The re- 
port fills nearly seventy-nine pages, and it must be admitted that the plan of 
reorganization and the new methods of waging the Bolshevik war on society 
are diabolically clever. 

The new organization and methods of the Communist party are, as 
the report indicates, founded on the Theses of the Communist International. 
These were issued in August, 1920, and in December, 1921. Extracts from 
the Theses have been published in the Morning Post. Every organization 
recognized by Moscow must accept and carry out the instructions of the 
Theses; and ‘‘members of the party who repudiate the conditions and theses 


[259] 





REDS IN AMERICA 





adopted by the Communist International must be excluded from the party.” 
Members must be prepared to undertake both legal and illegal work when 
required to do so by the party leaders or by the Communist International. 


The form of organization which has hitherto been generally adopted 
by the Socialist parties does not lend itself to the kind of revolutionary 
activity desired by the Communist International. After the miners’ strike 
last year the British Communists were severely criticized by Karl Radek 
because they had failed to obtain from the strike revolutionary results. The 
failure was explained as being due mainly to defective organization on the 
part of the Communist movement in this country. The new organization 
scheme to be described in these articles is the sequel to the criticisms of 
the Moscow Chiefs of the Communist party. 


Before describing the scheme of organization recommended by the Com- 
mission—and now in process of development—it is necessary to look at the 
Theses of the Communist International, on which the new organization of 
the Communist party of Great Britain is to be based. The Theses of the 
Second Congress of the Communist International, Moscow, August, 1920, 
contain the instructions that are of immediate interest. Clause 8 calls 
upon the Communists to replace “the old leaders by Communists in all 
kinds of proletarian organizations, not only political, but industrial, co- 
operative, educational, &€.” Clause 9 states that: “Therefore, the prepara- 
tion of the dictatorship of the proletariat must be begun immediately and 
in all places by means of the following method, among others”: 


In every organization, union or association—beginning with proletarian 
ones first—and afterwards in all those of the non-proletarian workers and 
exploited masses (political, professional, military, co-operative, educational, 
sporting, &c.) must be formed groups or nuclei of Communists—mostly 
open ones, but also secret ones, which become necessary in each case when 
the arrest or exile of their members or the dispersal of the organization is 
threatened. These nuclei, in close contact with one another and with the 
Central party, exchanging experiences, carrying on the work of propaganda, 
campaign, organization, adapting themselves to all the branches of social 
life, to all the various forms and subdivisions of the working masses, must 


systematically train themselves, the party, the class, and the masses by such 
various work. 


The masses must be approached with patience and caution, and 
with an understanding of the peculiarities, the special psychology of each 
layer or profession. 

This extract from the Theses is a sample of the instructions of Moscow, 
and the study of the report of the Communist Commission shows that the 
orders have been obeyed in every detail. There is scarcely any organization 
or branch of social life to escape the open and secret attentions of our 
Bolsheviks when their new plan of attack on Society is complete and in 
working order. The scheme of organization to be described in this and the 


subsequent articles is most intricate, elaborate and costly; it penetrates 
every phase of social life. 


[260] 





‘“‘OUR BOLSHEVIST MOLES’? 











THE NEW SCHEME 


In the new organization of the Communist forces, every member of the 
party “has his own special work and responsibility.” There are no idle 
or passive members; each one will have his allotted task and will work under 
strict orders and be subjected to the most rigid discipline. “The method 
of sharing out the work and responsibility is by making every member a 
member of a working group; that is to say, either of a special committee 
in charge of some special activity under the direction of the District or 
Centre, or of a nucleus which is carrying out party policy in some working- 
class organization.” To unify the work of these groups there is a system of 
reports, “each group reporting regularly to the directing authority in 
charge of the work.” It is further provided that: 


Every activity has its leading committee or directing authority, ap- 
pointed by and subject to the Executive Committee, which supervises the 
actual work and gives day-to-day instructions (not general instructions) on 
what to do and what is the correct party line to follow. 


The three governing principles of the scheme are: 


(1) Centralized Direction—The establishment of strong directing 
centres in conjunction with the party centre. 

(2) Division of Work.—The allocation of members to working groups 
for special tasks and the drawing of every member into the work by this 
means. | 

(3) Organized Influence in the Working Class as the Aim.—The con- 
centrating of all activities of our groups, with a view to building up a 
network of influence throughout the working class and its organizations. 


The Central Authority is the Executive Committee of the Communist 
party. This Executive is, as we shall see later, responsible to the Executive 
of the Communist International at Moscow, and must report to Moscow 
at regular intervals the results of its work in Great Britain. This will be 
understood by consulting the new “Statutes and Rules” of the party. 
Rule 1 says: “The Communist Party of Great Britain is a section of the 
Communist International, and is bound by its decisions.” 


THE IMMEDIATE AIM 


The Communist Party Executive in London is now forming District 
Party Committees. These Districts are not the old geographical divisions 
of the country into which the party organization has hitherto been divided. 
The new Districts are to begin with those industrial areas in which the 
membership of the party is mainly concentrated. . . . . The Report 
states that “the District is the pivot of Communist organization,” and it 
quotes the following from the Moscow Theses on Organization (para. 44) : 

“The thing to be aimed at is that every locality forming an economic, 
political, or transportation centre should spread out and form a net of 


[261] 





organizations within a wide area of the surroundings of the given locality 
and the economic political districts adjoining it.” 


BUREAUS AND DEPARTMENTS 


The District Organization Bureau contains, like the Organizing Bureau 
at Headquarters, seven departments. The following departments, with their 
numbers as given in the Report, are of public interest: 


(1) REGISTER OF MEMBERS, with their qualifications and the 
work to which they are allocated. This register will enable the Committee 
to keep under review the disposition of members’ activities, and to draft 
members for new work as needed. There will be a general register of 
individual members, with party record, record in working-class movement 
and personal record. In addition, there will be separate registers of the 
different organizations for each activity; Trade Union nuclei, factory nuclei, 
Trades Councils, and local Labor party fractions, propaganda committees, 
distribution groups, &c. Finally, there will be the special registers of 
members with certain qualifications and functions (speakers, instructors, 
linguists, &c.). 

(4) DISTRIBUTION. Maintenance and control of the distribution 
apparatus of the party, through the groups in the localities and the fac- 
tories, both for the sale of literature and for the rapid distribution of 
leaflets, Executive cables, &c. 


(5) TRANSPORT AND COMMUNICATION. Organization of ways 
and means of sending, receiving, and, if necessary, of accommodating litera- 
ture, messages, individuals, &c., and of maintaining lines of communication 
with the Centre and also between localities and between workshops. 


(6) INFORMATION. Organization of all necessary information con- 
cerning the District through the local information groups and collection 
and transmission of information to the Centre. 

This information from the District Committees is tabulated and classi- 
fied by the corresponding departments of the Organization Bureau at the 
Centre. The District Political Bureau also consists of seven departments 
which correspond to the departments of the Political Bureau at the Centre. 
These include the following: 


(1) INDUSTRIAL COMMITTEE. For the direction of the nuclei in 
the unions and the workshops and the fractions on Trades Councils and 
Local Labor Parties, in accordance with the lines laid down by the Central 
Industrial Committee. 


(2) ELECTIONS AND MUNICIPAL COMMITTEE. For election 
work (Parliamentary and municipal) and direction of municipal represen- 
tatives. 

(3) LABOR AND CO-OPERATIVE COMMITTEE. For co-ordination 
of work inside Co-operative Societies and Guilds, Labor clubs, and miscel- 
laneous local Labor organizations, and undermining and propaganda work 
in local Social Democratic organizations. 


[262] 





*““OUR BOLSHEVIST MOLES’: 





(4) EDUCATION COMMITTEE. For arranging the training classes 
of candidates for party membership, special training of party’s workers, or- 
ganizers, &c., and instructions of workers outside the party. 


(7) POLITICAL AND SUPPLEMENTARY COMMITTEE. For prop- 
aganda and undermining work in Government and bourgeois institutions and 
special intelligence. 


A REPORT TO MOSCOW 


The purpose of this elaborate machinery of organization is indicated in 
the above extracts. The main purpose is to obtain control of the industrial 
organizations of the workers. Before this scheme of organization had been 
devised, the Executive of the Communist party of Great Britain reported to 
Moscow that “the Party has 200 propagandists of Communism,” and the party 
has nuclei almost in every trade union, and efforts are being pushed forward 
to bring these into touch with each other according to the industries, in the 
terms of the Theses of the Communist International. . . . All the mem- 
bers of the party are bound to take an active part in the unemployed agita- 
tion; it is very acute, and whatever has been done to turn the situation to ac- 
count in a Communist sense is due to the work of the party. (The Communist 
International, Nos. 16-17.) 

The members of the party in a locality are combined in small groups. 
These groups correspond to the German Zehnergruppen, or “Tens,” and 
“are composed of members living within easy walking distance of one 
another.” Where the party is strong “these group areas may cover a street 
or a block; in other words, a ward.” There is a Group Leader, who will be 
responsible for his group and must see that the members are carrying out 
the instructions received from the Local Party Committee. This Committee 
directs and co-ordinates the activities of all the groups (also nuclei and 
fractions) in the locality, and reports to the District Party Committee. No 
slackness is allowed; every member is under strict supervision. He must 
be a working member, “since he could not be a member of the party at all 
unless he were a member of a working group. This is the vital secret of the 
Theses. . . . Every member has some special qualification, which can 
be used in some sphere of the party’s work. It will be the business of the 
Party Committee so to organize the groups that they are composed of the 
members best suited to the work in hand.” For this reason persons joining 
the party must serve a period of probation before being admitted to mem- 
bership. 


THE COMMUNIST PRESS 


Before coming to the actual nature of the work which the Committee’s 
groups and nuclei of the Communist party will have to do, it is necessary 
briefly to summarize the plans for the entire reorganization of the Com- 
munist press. The report of the Commission states that the main party 
organ must be “a mass organ, i.e., an organ of working-class life and strug- 


[263] 


a cUEn IESE IEEE SINS SINISIIRSES SSS SEEDIRDE 


REDS IN AMERICA 


ele. Its object is not only to agitate, but to organize and train.” The Com- 
munist “should be the newspaper of the working class, and not a small 
magazine of miscellaneous articles with a Communist bias.” It must “re- 
port working-class life and struggle in such a way as to give every item an 
agitating and organizing value.” 

We now come to the vital part of the Communist organization. All 
the elaborate and expensive machinery of organization is for a definite 
purpose. This purpose has been shown in the extracts from the Moscow 
Theses and by the report of the British Communists to the Moscow Head- 
quarters of the Communist International. What follows is concerned with 
this Bolshevist machine at work. Chapter 4 of the Report of the Communist 
Commission is headed “Party Activities,” and section 1 of this chapter 
describes the work “in the Trade Unions.” It states that (p. 36): 


“The work of the party in the Trade Union movement and in the work- 
shops (factories, mines, docks, railways, shipyards, or other places of 
work) is the principal activity before the party in the present period. It 
is here that we must build up the leadership of the party in the actual day- 
to-day struggle of the workers in order to have the solid basis to proceed 
to further struggles. That leadership will not be achieved by the issue 
of manifestos, but only by systematic and organized work over the whole 


field. 


“The field is extremely complicated, and only the highest degree of 
organization will secure results. . . . We must never let the “industrial 
side,” i, e., our activity in economic movement, become separate from “party 
work,” since the whole direct object of our activity in the economic move- 
ment is not the separate economic struggle, but the common political 
struggle, i.e., the revolutionary struggle for power under the dictatorship 
of the party. Therefore all our work in these organizations must be pri- 
marily directed towards strengthening the party’s hold; if we form any inde- 
pendent movement it must be only as a vehicle for the party’s action, and 
all our work must be under the daily direction of the party.” 


The Commission explains that the work of the party in the Trade 
Unions, “despite its volume,” has failed through lack of common direction. 
They had no “hold on the membership,” and no channel through which 
the necessary reports and information could be obtained. To overcome 
these difficulties there must be organized and directed day-to-day work in 
the Unions, and “‘its aim must be to bring increasing numbers of workers 
under the direct leadership of the party. For this reason ‘nucleus work’ is 
not simply the creation of centres of agitation, but one of the most highly 
organized forms of the party’s work.” 


The aim is to transform the Unions “into mass organizations of the 
revolutionary struggle under the leadership of the party. This plan is 
not a mechanical process of ‘capturing’ the Unions. . . The process 
is one of actually organizing the workers around the party, and by our 
organization from top to bottom of the Union, establishing a real and not 
merely a formal, hold upon it,’ This is to be accomplished by first organ- 


[264] 


“OUR. BOLSHEVIST MOLES’’ 


izing “our members in their ‘nuclei’ or groups of party members in each 
Trade Union branch.” These nuclei must be “firmly welded together over 
the whole country,” and must act under “central direction.” This direction 
will come from the Headquarters of the party and the District Committees 
will “only act as transmitting centres for nationally decided policies in 
each Union to the nuclei affected in their district.” 


MANIPULATING THE UNIONS 


At the Central Industrial Department of the party in London there 
will sit a main Industrial Committee, assisted by “Special Advisory Com- 
mittees from each of the provincial Unions or groups of Unions. The ad- 
visory Committee of a given Trade Union will consist of our best members 
inthat Union . . . it will receive the reports of our nuclei to the Union 
either directly or through local or district committees, as also reports of 
‘any officials, executive members, &c., we may have in the Union.” This 
main Industrial Committee at the Centre will divide into sections for (1) 
Trade Unions; (2) Trade Councils; (3) Workshops; (4) Press. Similar 
Committees will meet at the District Centres “to receive instructions from 
the main Industrial Committees, work them out for the District, and pass 
them on to the Union nuclei concerned in their District.” A nucleus must 
be formed in any Trade Union branch where there are one or more members 
of the party. 

A Trade Union nucleus is a party organization working in a Trade 
Union branch, and consists of party members and candidates in that branch. 
A nucleus only exists when it has been organized by or reported itself to 
its Leading Committee, and is meeting, working, and reporting regularly. 
The nucleus will receive full instructions as to its work at the time when it 
is formed by the representative of the Leading Committee accredited for the 
purpose, and thereafter will receive particular instructions over any issue 
or campaign as occasion arises. 


ESPIONAGE 


lt will be seen, and Trade Unionists should note, that these nuclei in 
Trade Union branches are an organized system of espionage, directed from 
the Headquarters of the Communist party. The average Trade Union mem- 
ber is to be surrounded by the organized spies of Moscow, and his Union 
is to be secretly “‘wangled” into the acceptance of policies devised by the 
chiefs of the Communist party and introduced into the Unions by the 
underground agents of the party. 

The nuclei in several branches of a Union in a locality are to form 
“a Local Committee for that Union” in order to co-ordinate the work of the 
nuclei in its local branches. In the same way the nuclei in all the local 
Trade Union branches, workshops, and the fractions in the Trades Councils, 
&c., are to be combined in a Local General Committee. This Committee 
takes up any subject or agitation on which all the nuclei should concen- 


[265] 





,- pest eS ee pe RES) WEE SA RR aE ae. AE ee A ——- 


REDS IN AMERICA 





trate. Communists on District Committees or the Executive of a Union 
will “be organized in definite party organizations (Fractions), which will 
meet and report regularly, and receive their instructions from the Leading 
Committee.” Members of the Communist party who are officials in a Union 
will be separately organized for party purposes, and will have to furnish 
their own reports regularly on the work, together with any information 
obtained, and will receive their distinct instructions. 


A Local Industrial Organizer will be appointed “to transmit instruc- 
tions to the various nuclei” and to supervise their activities. The work of 
a nucleus in a Trade Union branch covers a wide field. In addition to the 
routine day-to-day work it will: 


Organize the Left Wing opposition in all branches around all current 
questions . . . it will be prepared for each branch meeting with resolu- 
tions, movers of resolutions, discussions, &. . . . it will endeavour 
to weaken the position of reactionary officials and leaders by pressing issues 
which force them to take up an unpopular stand; . . . it will work 
for the election of accredited Communist candidates as officials and delegates 
to conferences, &c.; during strikes its members will be active in the fore- 
front and pressing for extension of the dispute, and greater solidarity; 
and it will be watchful to keep the Leading Committee informed of all de- 
velopments, and to follow carefully the lead given in order to achieve 
uniformity in the party’s action. 


CONTROL OF INDUSTRY 


More important than the nuclei in the Trade Union branches are the 
nuclei in the workshops. The Report declares that: 


“The factory or workshop is the real unit of the working class, and 
should be the main field of our activity. Here, far more than in the local- 
ities, is the basis of the Party’s organization of the workers, and contact 
with the working class as a whole, whether organized or unorganized. The 
Trade Unions only bring us in contact with a portion of the working class 

and only a minority of those who turn up at branch meetings, &c. 
The workshop brings us into contact with all the workers on the spot. 
The Trade Unions can only initiate the struggle. Once the revolutionary 
struggle begins the workshop becomes the centre. . . Upon our organ- 
ization in the workshops will depend the success of the workers in the 
first phase of the revolutionary struggle and their readiness for organization 
under the dictatorship of the proletariat.” 


Whenever members of the party are employed in a factory or works, 
“they must be organized as a responsible party body or nucleus.” The 
forms and activities of a workshop nucleus are “manifold and varied,” and 
the duties include the distribution of “the party paper and literature,” 
dinner-hour discussions, formation of social and sports organizations, 
taking up of grievances, &. These are, of course, the general propaganda 
duties. Their special task is “to agitate for the formation of factory com- 


[266] 





“OUR BOLSHEVIST MOLES’? 





mittees,” especially during a crisis, as these committees tend to “develop 


into the conscious struggle of the working class for power.” 


BUSINESS SECRETS 


If a Factory Committee is formed, or if one already exists, ‘“‘the nucleus 
must concentrate its efforts on securing and maintaining control of it. Our 
members must put before the Factory Committee the objective of the control 
of industry, and seek to develop the struggle for the control of industry 
into the struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat.” 


The real purpose of these factory committees is revealed in a warning 
to the nucleus. They are reminded that “workers’ control” is not “our 
objective.” It is one of many demands “to develop the struggle and so carry 
forward our propaganda.” 


BREAKING NEW GROUND 


The following instruction is given by the Commission for cases where 
the Communists wish to attack a works in which they have no members: 


“Special attention will be needed if the party wishes to gain a foothold 
in a large and important factory or works where we have as yet no members. 
In such cases, when a decision has been taken to make the attempt in regard 
to some particular factory, a special campaign will have to be developed 
for the purpose, and militant groups will be needed to start the assault. As 
a first step there should appear in the party organ some report or news 
bearing on the factory question. At the same time meetings should be ar- 
ranged outside the factory which would concentrate on matters of particular 
interest to the workers in that factory.” 

Leaflets, manifestos, &c., will be distributed, and the party organ 
pushed. “The number of readers of the paper obtained will indicate the 
measure of our success. Once we have obtained our contacts individual 
recruiting proceeds.” 

Space will not permit of more details concerning these workshop nu- 
clei. But it must be understood that none of the groups, nuclei and local 
committees which have so far been described, is allowed to act on its own 
initiative. Everything is done by order and under careful direction. Each 
group or nucleus has its appointed leader, who acts under orders from 
its Local Committee. This Committee is responsible to the District Com- 
mittee and the District Committtee is acting on the instructions of the Ex- 
ecutive Committee at the Centre; and this Executive is carrying out the orders 
of the Executive of the Communist International at Moscow. 

The Co-operative movement, with its large funds, has in recent years 
attracted the Socialists, and now the Communists intend to penetrate this 
movement. The Report we are considering explains the importance of the 
Co-operatives to the Bolsheviks. It points out that “very active propaganda 
is being carried on by the Labor Party and I. L. P. members to organize 
their influence in the co-operatives.””’ Communists must bring the Co-oper- 


[267] 


REDS IN AMERICA 





atives into “the current struggle,” and “finally to work to secure control- 
ling positions in them for our members.” For this purpose every Communist 
who is eligible must “join his local co-operative society.” 


LOCAL GOVERNMENT FRACTIONS 


Considerable attention will be given by the new organization to “work 
in local government.” This is “an immediate task before the party.” The 
euiding principle is stated in the following terms: 

The purpose of the party’s work on Local Government bodies is clearly 
stated in the Theses. The Communist party does not enter on Local Govern- 
ment bodies to help in their work, but to expose and destroy them as part 
of the bourgeois machinery and administration. For this purpose the work 
on them must always be subordinate to the objects and tactics of the mass 
struggle outside. On the other hand, the work on them must never be 
merely negative, but must always have positive propaganda value. “We 
should not merely oppose demands, but should formulate demands the 
struggle for which will clearly expose the class character of local govern- 
ment and lead to open conflict with the Central Authority.” 

The policy and tactics on local government bodies depend on whether 
the majority is (a) Communist, (b) Labor, (c) Bourgeois. In all cases the 
aim of the Communists is the destruction of the machinery of local govern- 
ment. During strikes “the local government machinery” must be used 
“to serve the purpose of the free “In the actual revolutionary struggle 
any hold on local government should be used to stop its operation and re- 
place it by revolutionary workers’ councils.” A section on this subject is 
devoted to the dangers of reformism. “The active participation in the ad- 
ministrative detail of a Local Governing body has a tendency to cool the 
revolutionary ardour of the Communists, and many revolutionaries are afraid 
of taking part at all for fear of coming reformists.” 


PREJUDICES OF WOMEN. 


Chapter 6 of the Bolshevist Report is devoted to the work of the Com- 
munist among women. It begins by declaring that ““The role of women in 
the class Sraeele cannot be ignored by Communists in any country. 

The seizures of power by the proletariat and the subsequent achievement of 
Communism can only be accomplished with the active pacticipation of 
the wide masses of the proletarian and semi-proletarian women.” It is 
admitted that the task of winning the support of women for Bolshevism 
is very great. There are many strong prejudices to overcome. The starting 
point must be in the working-class organizations with women members. 
These include Trade Unions, the Co-operative Societies, and Guilds. One 
of the prejudices to combat is the prevailing prejudice against the par- 
ticipation of women in the thick of the fight. “We shall have to fight re- 
lentlessly against a great deal of prejudice of this kind in our own ranks. 
Many comrades discourage their wives, sisters, and women friends from at- 


[268] 


“OUR BOLSHEVIST MOLES”? 





tending party meetings or from taking any part whatever in our work. 
This attitude must be overcome.” 


The women will be separately organized, and the Women’s Propa- 
ganda Committee will organize “propaganda and agitation among proleta- 
rian women, such organization to remain completely under party control.” 
At headquarters there will be the “Central Women’s Propaganda Committee,” 
with a General Organizer. The Report goes on to tabulate the duties of 
this Central Committee, one of which will be the “maintenance and con- 
tinuous contact with the International Secretariat of Communist Women” 


(Moscow). 


The work, of the Central Committee and also of the District and Local 
Committees will be divided into sections in the manner described in con- 
nection with the Party Executive and the District Party Committees. The 
Report states that: 


“Thorough division of the work among members of the Committee is 
most essential. One member should have charge of the work among house- 
wives another of that in the co-operative movement, and so on.” 


FUNCTIONS OF WOMEN’S GROUPS 


The local work will be distributed “among various small working 
groups with different functions or fields of activity (such as Co-operative 
Guild Groups, Literature Distributors’ Groups, House to House Propa- 
ganda Groups, &c.).”» Communist women in Trade Unions will join the 
party nucleus (where such exists) and will act “on the instructions from 
the Nucleus Management Committee or leader.” They will get into personal 
contact with the women members of the Trade Union branch, and will 
endeavor to get them “to attend classes or instruction groups.” Communist 
women are to join the Local Labor Parties “if individual membership of 
the Labor party is allowed.” These women members must report to the Com- 
mittee under whose direction they are acting. The procedure is the same as 
that already given in other cases. 


Other activities of women Communists are the holding of street corner 
meetings in “proletarian shopping centres” to discuss “the cost of living— 
bread meetings—or the care and education of children,” &c. Special atten- 
tion must be given to literature for women. “A series of vivid, arresting 
short stories, with a strong agitational bias, would also be useful.” Enter- 
tainments likely to attract women will be provided, but “propaganda should 
be judiciously mixed with entertainments.” 


THE MONEY MYSTERY 


Many proposals and technical details of the Communist reorganization 
scheme, for lack of space, have been omitted, such as the relations with Com- 
munist Schools for the young and the special features of the Communist 
Saturdays and Sundays when members will be called upon to do some 


[269] 


REDS IN AMERICA 


special work for the Party. But the general features of the organization 
have been given, and it is scarcely necessary to remind the reader that the 
administrative expenses of the organization will be heavy. Where the 
money will come from is not explained in the Report—the subscriptions of 
members are quite inadequate to meet the cost of such an elaborate scheme. 
But as the plan of organization is based on the instructions of the Moscow 
International, it is not unreasonable to suggest that Moscow may be financ- 
ing it. 
“The final and culminating campaign,” says the Report, “to which 
the whole of the Party organization leads up is the open fight for power.” 
(p. 74). Will this cleverly devised plan of the revolutionaries succeed? 
Not if the intended victims are made aware of the intentions and methods 
of the conspirators. Now we know the plans and policy of the Communist 
party and its precious International of Bandits at Moscow, it will not be 
difficult to frustrate their revolutionary designs upon society. 


[270] 


, o_o 


INDEX 





INDEX 


A 
Adaptation of C. P. A. to American 
conditions Pea ad tartetakers cite akevareieteraiets 231 
Addams, Jane 
ig? , bap Ox PEE es pia Bisieinbipicie'sd 06 she's s 183 
American Relief for Russian Women 
iil CUUGTEN Osa ie cs ae age «les By pale 183, 187 
Gryil se Biberties) Bureatt wick. seis sae 186 
Stockholder, Russ-Amer. Indus. Corpo- 
TALON ade oe elas Sirererats a ae 181 
Adjustment Committee, Bridgman Con- 
Vention) WA. s see Gere ele biele's Fed vaahanene 24 
Adrianople, propaganda center at........ 75 
Maeaice, (a PUblicatioNn 666) s e's ee ee icla ss 80 
Afghanistan, propaganda in............. 74 
PAEPICA Gt tele l ou avaseeve eye A aA Ege Se RAE tons 194 
African Blood Brotherhood 
PADDEOVEds OF DY Cam bab As ware setae ies 190 
Program and aims of........ ..35, 190, 191 
Agrarian program 
MEOBERO Leiria ears See a eee hee AR Meche 115 
WegaisA crariatwy DOULA. i. ws sciek sao els 115 
Oo Mee AS eos ielece elckehe: aletete atc care 108, 110 
Agricultural Schools 
LA OUtH DIANE Silas 5 oc g sae Fis be P4671 15 
All-American National Council.......... 53 
All-American Technical Committee...... 223 
Allen, Gov. (Kansas)..... estar tuisten alone ay 
Wolisats simer Ud oy), > = a's sp s(o Lye eating Sey oS 
Advisory Comm., Friends of Soviet 
RUSSIANS aire se NR WSOe A Pid RRA ted ERE 98 
All Power, a publication....... ess she setae OO 
PAieatisstation Cent 19X00 COM ss oc viene’ ; 74 
All-Russian Jewish Relief Com......... 137 


Amalgamated Clothing Workers’ Union 
Affiliated with Friends of Soviet Russia 98 


Children’s Homes in Soviet Russia.... 177 
Conference for Progressive Political Ac- 

TELL 6 a PSEA OR Ages MOUS OL SES aE RIE OR i IR co ee 44 
Predominantly Jewish organization..45, 136 
Quoting report to Moscow............ 132 
MAINE OUEy, LOT eo bo 40s cae ook ok 47 
Report on, in Baltimore............... 133 

Amalgamated Metal Workers............ 132 
Amalgamated Textile Workers 
Pretended hostility to Clothing Work- 

CE SM elena anal eict aval isis) aleie ace lel ores wank eial wlexeror 138 
Represented by W. Z. Foster......... 95 
Strike of, aided by A. C. EL. U...... 122 

America ; 
MeN UNISNIT ithe es vias s a euke oes ce Reet e 23 


In counter-revolutionary alliance. ..195, , 
American Association for Labor Legisla- 


LOM ee Me taitaiersnce that oteialocbinca eiehcoers 182 
Approved by Nat. Inf. Bureau....... 187 
Personnel of organization............ 183 

American Association of Social Workers 186 
American -Capitalism....2.3i%.. Ss eis ie 232 


American Civil Liberties Union 
16, 45, 46, 47, 118, 186 


Aids arrested Communists ........ 122, 172 
Approved by Nat. Inf. Bureau....... 186 
Contributions to Labor Defense Coun- 

; Gil etree cca ABR Rid: Mees ahi Sars Se ee te 176 
Fariv’) (history. Of.-3 .u.s.ct » 2 eld Sen ve .120, 121 
WME STOLE, ie act oo Rite cle Maa ihee Ba Bate eae 122 
Labor Defense Council...... Fst es Robt stowte 174 
Linked with Communism............ 117 


Members file charges against Dept. of 


SHSHGGD ota tan atic ere ee Peas 
Opinions of...:.... Gils ete ee ererie share ole 121 
American Committee for the Relief of 
Russian Childrens i.4 2e Se Shave 105 
pproved by Nat. Inf. Bureau....... 187 
Four National Committee Members in 
Moscow ..... Siete ea aiiale eietate ciate 105 
Russian Fair and Costume Ball....... 152 
Represented by Capt. Paxton Hibben.. 104 
American Committee for Russian Famine 
Relief 
Activities and propaganda............ 100 
rganized by W. W. Liggett......... 99 
American Defense Society.............. 16 
Opposition of Negro Communists to... 192 
Protests landing of Moscow Art Theatre 145 
American-Federated Russian Famine Re- 
lie OmioUtic|e (ee Te eee ke 98 
American Federation of DLabor....... 196, 248 
Aids Communists ihe) ot net eine! 172 
Communists have difficulty in gaining 
membership vgckn whee oe ee yee 135 
Communists working in......... 24, 52, 184 
Cont. forePro. PolitswActin ss 2 ies 44 
Federated Press claimed as organ for. 84 
Foster heads steel workers........... 208 
Renorenond -. Pie Cannone tw ioe. oe 148 
Represented by J. H. Ralston....... - 216 
rapped _by Communists............. 138 
American-Hungarian Workers’ Federation 98 
American Jewish Committee............ 187 
American-Jewish Joint Distribution Com- 
mittee Spats as tioerategs kere Siiein Sin PR eee 187 
American Labor Alliance.............. 88, 131 


122 
162 


American | Legion .iiic-. ccs aroleteen Reg 
Agaiist?) Communism nue cnc ee 


Opposition of Negro Communists to... 192 
American-Lithuanian Workers’ Literary So- 

CIETY Meee ee Rie adr ara elle ee Lit ate 98 
American Medical Association.......... 100 
American Neutral Conference Committee 121 
American Relief Administration....... 103-104 
American Relief for Russian Women and 

CHAT en Tee la oe ace oe he? a 187 


; 58, 120, 187 
American Workers 


Danger sto oi. Back. bole R 220 

Must lead Pan-American Revolution.. 222 
Amnesty for political prisoners...... 199, 250 
Amter, Mrs. PIA SES Aer gn pat RTM ys 65, 99 
Anderson, Miss: Mary...) 290). <36 Ali 183 
Ariglophobessvcs psc bese Seuee 195, 196, 247 
Anisfeld, Ronis Seno DEN Tor heen cone Te ces 145 
Pr Pentine eae cis ts a cape ts CL CLO, eet 
Wrmed U instirrectiog .v002 wae ee Ae 211 
Army 

Communists and: (hess sibs ok ee ee 155 

Witcleia in Sucve ees sosahear's: Megs 2a eee Ne 156 
PATNROIG asic se eee s CON Peri aeceotirn name MOEA rn Shy 158 
Ashurst, Senator (Arizona)............. 49 
Ashwotth,- Prancige foes eae ae ee 22 
ECTY Bie One bea ay eae Sean get Tl aN hea we 2 194 
Associated Negro Press.......... ee 194 
Aticnia’ Penitentiary. >. woe i coe 138, 186 
PUES Dec By oe ces Shae Sb ag Re wen 80 
Avanti, a publication ., an Dae egos 


{273] 


INDEX 


B 
Baer join Me ieee pias oe eee twee ee age Ys 
Baich> Pmily). Green. eis. sts ae vee ee -. 186 
Baldwin Locomotive Works............. 175 
Bald with, | RO@ET ING sectoral ieteieistel« ciel elves 173, 186 
PAE CHR So ats Ce oer ave em ohaten ohehacatescsatats (efor Lie les 
Application for loan referred to....... 119 
In conferences to help arrested Com- 
ATUUIMLISES Ware ewetas tae ele iste o als Se cre cassie 172 
Labor Defense Council............ 173; 174 
Organizer, Intercollegiate Liberal 
Pa SUED se oa bin eiwte Siateiens em ataavin rem ae ore 59 
Refuseés''to fightin wane gulch crises delere 123 
Speaks iin iNew Vo ke otowk sees cease 175 
Ba lieth eit etec. toaster chery one PAC Ne tela vear vopeeers 144 
Ball “A léxatider As scion wip eid oe ieies sietetaneress wig 22 
Ballam; (Joka) cso oiedelsceaielbet one oes ot eeninre 36 
Baltieqahlect neon poe hasheos chapel eee ctiones die ZHU 
Baltimore, Communist report on labor 
CONGILIONS villa cca eete wie ciel sekayaneee etete 133 
Barcelona (Spain) anarchist conference.. 94 
Barr) Notman SB eecieioaw oe eeines nes 173 
Batt, ]. Deanie vin «ance ieisiara edie: 98, 173, 174 
Battersea aiGhngland) cies le cttearesaene 259 
Beardsley, S. E....... aS ok Sashes cay Pa ie 173 
Beéchtold sy Fu genes aio). aissis cies aula os 21 
BedachtroM ax oye ees onset atapstahetete vate 23119 
Beleium, ‘propagatida tt 5-05 iste esis les jovi 75 
Belgrade, propaganda center............ 75 
Bennett Aw Richard coaoten ie ec cletevers iene he mtaheterals 151 
Benton Harbor (Michigan)............. 20 
Ber gerne coat aie we lat ahtin gee ate ite ch soere ara eis 61 
Ber lita, HEE cose a tieuoite to eck ee toners at iial Roa) cy sheeteewens Hes 
Berlin (Germany) central office of propa- 
WANA AN she oie vials, peels ie teraiersiece aie sun seerataes 
Berman ss, Nera svc kietacs a ha es sdebatatersiesere ope 173 
Bernardsvillem@CNsit)e) we ati ws vie oe aller 74 
Berthenson,\i Sergei dic. ssa ideas g mines 145 
Biddle family of Philadelphia........ 125, 175 
Big Four Railroad Brotherhoods......... 44 
Binder sg. Carroll pc ciccccateyetie leueictases castle aaa 80 
Bisheevdeportation .. .cvisses o's ere alone se 61 
Bittleman*Alexan deriiccis).ai «oe Biers ons chet 15,'.36 
Bizzell Des W tia mys Boin2'sascaitele ohana ale 55 
Bl6C; CONE ESSION ALA wc tees 1s 102 allo aw ‘ 39 
Blocki and Cowncimvciue wht cntete sc eeike wueme 36 
Bloor, Ella Reeves....... Blahtihes 21, 81, 82, 98 
Boch ands Bolshevikiciss cise me ate oe oe 22 
Bohn ei Erank setae a are oie aie anaeseb als 186 
Bolshevik propaganda, organization of.... 74 
Bolsheviks guise: soereye ates tone oioee carats date te capede 7 
Bolshevism among negroes.............. 190 
Bonus, soldiers’ 
As arpropagandayslogatis atc acai 161 
Capitalization by aradicalss:cn. sven 54 
Demand for, by Communists...... 199, 251 
Bookwalter: Charlies oy cicmcr cutie ear ia 209 
Borah’ Senator” William (B.o. 425. > ee TAS 
7 Cie M's Care Bed Daten BP aie hy iat ABR age 118 
And the Amnesty Question........... 117 


Borah Sub-Committee of the Committee on 
Foreign Relations of the U. S. 


Senate linet No seetan coe 7, 8 9, 10,-11,.12 
Borgeson; Sidney. os. 6 ons. nae vase as 64 
Boringstromewithin'. 2s aide eles ele 91-92 
Boston Evening Transcript...........06. 16 
Boston 

Communist report on labor conditions 
133, 135 
Police strike....... shesadeaubaneyeeersr ecubetoee teas 155) 
School of ‘Theology. < ic! « sausavess se aren 119 
Boy Scoutes casas 3 erates ta aeteanate 153 
Brass Check by Upton Sinclair.......... 82 
Brest-Litovsk Treaty..... NIA ASI a irs fe 22 

Bridgman (Mich.) Convention of 

PAP HAS ES ak, SEE ee 6, 7, 213 
Closing scenes.......... 9 Riealat aoe ea aay 88 





Presiditim © 0f ce) schcce cuotehet esac orenstel rene Pais t 
Proposed postponement of............ 36 
Purpose) oft .: 5, GG Kale w win ayohe eke eaten “185 

Raid and prisoners taken........... 19, 20 

Riules*of) Convention a. «ier siles cetera 22 

Seizure of papers at.ic. ss soc osha 12 

Voting atic Rok ak oe eerie 14 
Bridgman cases, 

Present’ stats Of. <2, 0. <a << seis cco une 207 
Briggs, Dean (Harvard) >.<... sso eee 59 
Brighain, FWilham Ba ee eee 17 
British capitals, Guitoe as os Pie ee ee 220 
Brock, Hugetie J: 2. v5 tue vet nee eee 173 
Broms) VAlea PS wee ee ee eens si he ae 98 
Bronstrup; (Walter) sic cea. ign coe oa dee 65 
Brookhart, Senator (Iowa)............¢- 49 
Brooks, ''Ward.its cc.scs en Ope eee 21 

Addressed Bridgman Convention in Ger- 

IAB SS eis sie arte 0 ah atens Wat enete he eis teres 23 

Member, Adjustment Committee....... 24 

Manifesto:to° PPA vero en ae. kee 238 


Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers. .45, 52 


Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers’ 


Journal, a publications 3ic.e4s gee ee 52 
Brotherhood Locomotive Firemen and En- 

SFINCSMEN' voici sais wig we rele etale wate mere rene 47 
Brotherhood of Railway Carmen......... 44 
Brotherhood of Railway Clerks.......... 44 
Brotherhood of Railway Electrical Work- 

CLS sires wletielte * a tile Seigteleretevac| atten ene 44 
Brotherhood of Railroad Signalmen...... 44 
Browder;: Bark (Riscicecad. wis ee eee 173 

Cent. Ex. Com), Cn Po A oases ee 15 
Convention Committee................ an 
Labor Defense Council............... 174 
Browns Cyrilos Scag. oe ee Pike © © | 
Brown, Bishop William Montgomery.... 106 
Portraits)of6) suede se ee ee ee 135 
Brown RiGee ose Geen eee 217 
Brown, William Thurston... ...c'/ 4 sane 81 
Brown eit ie ieee 46, 173 
Brownstein, H..... 0 bin dene Ge a hedon Solas Ae 173 
Bryant, Mrs. Louise (Mrs. John Reed).. 107 
Bryn Mawr Summer School for Women 

Workers‘ in: Industry.; 7.2? Ae 46 
Buck, Roberti Mooi ee ee 80, 107, 173-174 
Buffaio, Communist report on labor condi- 

tiONS In. APSUALN Oa IR ASA Seats SO 134 
Butord at eee 5) estatesNe me rece female lates ae eae 138 
Bukharin so wk ray 5-194 
“Alternate, Polithureau...i..se0 Geneon 10 

Instructions signed by..... 249, 256, 18, 183 
Presidium of Comintern.............. 12 
Buager,: | Matus. cues sgl Lee ; 209 
Burnham, Mrs. George: ....c0cceueeeen 175 
Burke, Rt.) Hons, Edmunds). is. o2 ee eee §, 6 
Burman, Fo s7 0 wees cee tee ae 15 
Burns, Williams}. ee, oe. ove ae eee 17 
Bush, (Alfred? 023 3. Psp eee ee 81 
C 

Cablegrams from Moscow to Bridgman 

Convention 2735 6 oe eee 36 
California ae an eee 133 
i. SNS eeyeat pele eh oe 

auds Conf. for Prog. Polit. Action.. 4 

Published by Morris Hillquit.......... re 
Quoted ...... ashe a tertrarens Sa ene aaah x 43 
Calles, E. Plutarcho........... eA ung 106 
Canada, radical papers in............... 71 
Cannon, J. P. (Jake) 
Advisory Com., Friends of Soviet Rus- 
B1S Vise ibe eu ibyete etere ie iota erates atc leer eae 98 
Agent, majority faction, C. P. A...... 36 
Approves Sovietism.................. 148 


——— eee 
INDEX 
sw eee 


A. Ore. © O'S%als 6, & BK OO D2 S68 210 Ce E'S’ OE B.8 2.6 15 
Cent. Ex. Com., Cincinnati Com. Party 88 
Correspondence with T. R. Sullivan.. 129 


FAO) Raith SETVICG Ss a koa eee es 147 
Mine, Mill and Smelters’ Organization, 147 
Metalliferous Miners ............. ease YS. 
Western Federation of Miners........ 148 
Capital, American, invested in South 
PRAT OLIOR Ui ano oes ote ah ES ede toa taste CE a 220 
APA DITAIISICMOCAY SOT eS) 6 oo Sk Seis cae Se e569 
Capitalists, investments in Latin-America 27 
Carlisle, Thomas, Prussianized History. . 6 


Carlson, Oliver (FE. Connelly, Edwards) 
National secretary, Workers’ Party.... 65 
Organizer, Young Workers’ League..65, 99 


Carney, Jack..... Bark susiiites Aehe tikotehe Mente 80, 98 
MAA Hat Mans inane eee, en ee Edw abe 194 
Carrier; iJean Baptist:'... 0... ss« epost 5 
he VTEYORA Sa Ps ape oe nan pean i Sates 146 


Catchwords, revolutionary, see Slogans. 
Catholic workers 


Mere atelavebererevare ele De ee PADS 
Catt, Mrs. Carrie Chapman............. 180 
Caucasus, propaganda in . whores eae eee «| 
Coma Ainericn asin ose. ra - 219 
Central Control Committee, see Commu- 


Must guide illegal branch........ : 26 

Publishes an illegal organ............. 26 
Centrai Federated Union (Chicago), 

Endorses Labor Film Service.......... 149 


Centrists_in Workers’ Party....27, 201, 253 
Century Theatre (New York)........... 144 
Suadourn, ; hhomass ick eek chic ee hee. 182 
Chaffee, Zecharia ........ AA ct ale DOpuie oly 
Chambers of Commerce................ 192 
Whaliapin,«Feodor.. 023.2: esha REE 146 
Chaplin, Charlie 
Entertains William Z. Foster......... 150 
Tin Commitnist: flee ti-us ci% vo be ee . 150 
Introduced to Comrade Plotkin........ 151 
Speaks at a dinner......... Rahat eect tere A aby 
DISteIMentitoscue es Spee See tee 80 
Rissian) Fair*’and Ballig. ees pce: 152 
Written to, by R. M. Lovett.......... 83 
Chappell, Winifred........ WA fides wee es 119 


Charity Organization Society (New York) 184 


SMAUVEOOOUTIS | ook wees « Ce Soe cesta eae ee 144 
Che-Ka, Commission for Suppression of 
Counter-Revolution .............. 5, 138 
Chicago, Communist report on labor con- 
PLIONA MT re ee aioe eh eee 132 

Chicago Federation of Labor.......... 98, 174 
Chicago Tribune, a publication.......... 46 
Chicherin ...., Ree aie mes Grebe Sete 74, 104 
REIEKPHE MeV EBV trio Ne eee = tah CaN e. 104 
Children, starving in Russia............ v 
Children’s Homes in Soviet Russia 

Raising money for................ yeep a Arg 
Children’s stories of Soviet Russia....... 72 
Chile 

Copper of..... Peters dione natakel ace, state ate erste 220 

Radical napers insh. ho. os crea ey Portas 219 
China, 

No strikes in...... eee cae. hE 147 

Propaganda «ing e555 steko cats Ppa Pepe e 74 

ristian*.feligion 31. 0.6¢as es: L audit acetate 194 
Civil Liberties Bureau............... 120, 186 
Civil Liberties Union (Chicago)........ 174 
Civil Service Regulations............... 165 
Class hatred....... eed Cae eho Tae ee LeO 
Class struggle..... SP trea ate ER atoms: 221 
RBAVIR TORING CS. srk, Se ee eee ees OATS 


Cleveland, Communist report on labor con- 


GiFIONS Vin gore oo eek ake acer ee, 138 
Clowal Mts AG oe ote ale i A ee 150 
Code to be used by Communists........ 38 
Cohen, olga irae slakeretakeeois eet ste ysavormeetete 44 
Collectivisnn icon cementite, onl are ee : 181 
Collina Tames Hie cei a stee ens aan Bees 57 
OLOM DIA ga pc ttlcs heuer ee hee ee ae 220 


Comintern of Third Internationale. FL e,OO, 0837 
Commissariat of Public Health, Soviet 
Russia, represented in New York 
Citys renee arg Ppa ea ARES tpt hs gegen LOL 


Bee eletter shove ate 106 
Communism 
Among the Negroes.................- 189 
As a political system.......... sraneieaiers 41 
MR SAAMETICA T aitin's bees. ae a eek SA BN OO 
Thrives on dissatisfaction............. 23 
Communist, The, a publication.......... 185 
Gialiorgans CP tA or ae aes, nS 
Published by a minority.....)......; 36 
Communist, definition of............... 40 
Communist activity in America 
Coordination sof. 5 cosa cee ne ee x i; 
i2e GLI Gee aya fakele Wis Note ey rarncee a ees 40 
Communist activity in Latin-America.... 27 
worn enemy to society........ Se en 259 
Communist Internationale, see Third In- 
ternationale 


Communist movement, early days of..195, 247 
Communist Party of Ameriea 
Adaptation to American conditions..... 231 


Bulletin by Cent. Ex. Com. on indus- 
trial activities........ Sha) swetbuerar ats 


Concealment of underground appara- 
UUILS hose stetaterstakale ster ate Miatute alestis mere choke 200, 252 


tion 
Delegation sails for MUrODE, ws soc eee 170 
Blection of Exe Comics ee ee 15 
Finatices Pott. ae Ue fe oi ee Se 129 
Follows orders from Moscow.......... 158 
Fate of, depending on masses.......... 29 
Future (stippression.. 1/5. os. ste oe ie 227 
Headquarters of, to be secret...... 204, 255 
Increased activity among negroes...... 193 
Information concerning............... 214 


Lawful propaganda machinery of...... 183 
Legality of .25, 34, 85, 201, 202, 211, 226, 253 
wets 6 


Masses, relation to........ See each ‘ 
Majority and minority in........... 201, 252 
Necessity of....... Beale OUete: & oP oteta te statc ONS 225 
Next) taskrotsscas ute, Ads bee at aa est ae 196, 247 
Not to reform capitalist state....... 198, 249 
Nottbound? by. tawss'c. «sok . wan eee Wiese Re eeeD 
Objective ........ Rioereele ci mtersbere serials 41 
Grders ito reanite oe a Serene 171 
Relations of illegal (No. 1) to legal 
CNoms) branches vac: 2s oor et 
Representations to, from Moscow...... 237 
Reports torMoscow se: sf anc. colon ee 181 
Secret conference of.,......... Yap ae Tt 
Subversiveness of........ atencre arene emake 41 
Sphitinsi..:. miele cea ah shies bee att ote Piet 1 


Sole revolutiona 


r 13, 25, 254, 256, 203 
Trade Union Educational League...... 28 
Task to secure legal existence of...... 34 








INDEX 





Workers’ Patty... ss oe Re teeth ee tenes 12, 39 
Underground work of PUNE OL wear au aeataie 13; 227 
Communist Party of Germany 
Manifesto by tcc niels ctecnlg susie clase ake cue’ erars 163 
Communist Party of Great Britain. .258, 259 
Bureaus and departments............. 262 
Business MSecrets Of 5 cs vis os ars,shoisio ee) «,09 267 
Control vot) Irndtstry: (soc. 3 nig eae sence 266 
Functions of Women’s Groups......... 269 
Local Government Fractions.......... 268 
CBE CTIV Ee ok aaa we Gees ase eda: wt ote 261 
Propaganda among women............ 268 
Report: tos Moscow. <.cc5 suivh a es te wee 263 
Communist Party of Russia 
All-Russian Congress of 1923.......... 8, 9 
Anti-religious character of..........--. 8 
Central Control] Committee............ 9, 11 
Composed of proletarians............. 8 
Descriptions, of 40a s aoa re weer a toes 8 
Delegates to All-Russian Congress...... 9 
Members of, and Soviet Government 
FODS hare co ae tat ceehet eines: alate arene ciolaleratenere 8 
MOnODOlYy. Ori lemality i. cian oie esta net 9 
Protection of party members in courts. 9 
Russian Soviet Government........... 10 
Third “Internationales ee ee es 10 
Communist Parties, Pan- ‘American....... 221 
Communist propaganda in rural districts. 57 
Communist schools for the young in Eng- 

Lane OL CN en ees ern aee e eeY he cre 269 
Comrbiunist songs 2. ini es Gass tek oe wckake 55 
Communist trials (St. Josephs) iat eli Me 17 
Communist Youth Internationale........ 153 
Communists and Disorder............... 20 
Communists, excluded from Conf. Pro 

Politi SetAction oe nema ates eer eee 43 
Communists in Moscow Pa ona abl LAB neha Lidl 257 
Communists, raising money for.......... 84 
Communists’ stress class struggle........ 23 
Committee for the Rescue and Education 

Of Russian: Children. Oo cecu no eee 187 
Compulsory health insurance............ 182 
Camstocksiel AR ayia. sh evetctelete Sentero 144 
Conference for Progressive. Political Ac- 

tion 

Accomplishments of. ....cccecceseccss 48 
Communists must guard against....... 244 
Constituent organizations............. 44 
Does work allocated by Moscow...... 42 
Designation a (mishomerscassek sete oe 42 
Endorses ‘Plumb olen ie ee ate cate on 50 
Excludes I. W. W. and Communists... 43 
Lauds Soviet Russia...... CR aaa 43 
Method of organization. «cnc. ce ere 48 
Neotcaxirante cor On ota ics went are 42 
Orpanization< Ofc... nal wae eo ee 44 
Politicnbi program (Of < sae ech ey ei eRe 42, 44 
Proposal for cee veto of court 
CECISIONS Pies lar cheia le wilace al ele aks! a eh enone cutee 50 
hiestionnatre Ol, < ota 40s ohana ie 51 
Sizelota wisi enn ee a atedak al Orel eae aaa eos 47 
Stealing party phiee ee CN Se 44 
Workers’ party delegates, to.......... 42 
Congress, U. S. 
Consulted by Communists............. 212 
Freenispeech Land siie wk aiies ss cletoees 211 
Members of, work for Communism..... 211 
Soldiers )"hontia and sy vsctuen aya ne ates 161 


Congress of Social Workers (San Diego). 83 


Ses gs Communist Agrarian school 
aterouale las ehe: stay etetelclwler plete chal axe toni ateiopenotia 115 
Connelly, E., see Oliver Carlson, 
Conservative press, propaganda in...... 78 
Conspiracy 
Tn SR gland oak «hens las oh oath a as ace 257 
To overthrow eyernnee Weioicus aad te etic 211 
Constantinople ‘oc. Jo: <1 sone aie cle tin ates & 75, 158 
Constitution of U. S. A......-sscceceece 6 


IL as ee i Pl A Wi arp ds a I sas EE iis 5 es sn is oh 8 


Contrast, The, a film...........+00- .147, 149 

Convention of C. P. A., see "Bridgman 
Convention 

Cook, Comrade........-- Sees wlale Sloth Gpetene Mae On 

Cooper, Penettan Mc ccste ai ote as mre ots SP 173 


Cooperative League of America.. 
Cooperative movement, in England. . 
Cooperatives, farm, state credit for. 
Cooperating committee of 
Defendants, Labor Defense Council... 174 


"199, 251 


Coordination, Thesis on......+e+see-- 21 19, 223 
Cope, Miss either A oer oe epee eA be eee WAC 
Cope, Mrs. Walter........+-seceeerecs ‘ 176 
Copenhagen es oc elste dee. we wane w cree ae i 75 
Copper: Trust... 55 SS Ae eas eek .. 219 
Cosmopolitan Clubs 

Universities where organized.. : 64 
Costellos Boo deans eaccs eee Rat, ee Se oa 80 
Cotter Arthur cess ieee bselecaeiars aire aime 81 
Coyle, Albert Bugscs Bana Gece 45, 52, 80 
Cramer, ( RAGD set) es8 ARPA ea tie Bide 35 ©. 80, 173 
Cravath, Patek o Sails Jena peice k we ere 185 
Credit). state, to, farmers. 14." asjes cus 199, 251 
Crowder, Generales cc < e's Gia aw eee are tare 219 
Cuba, radical papers in.......... 71, 219, 220 
Curacao, a battleship...... ae Sen pole Ca Cite 162 
Czecho-Siovak Workmen’s Council of 

ATTIETICAT Ea oleae o ahetatela ee cu sheneaabanetee eats 98 
Czecho-Slovakia, revolutionary condiiges 

AND isle Scape tenale ees diatakate Slescnaiese eis tnts s atepere 23 

D 
Dallas Co. (Texas) Teachers’ Institute.. 55 
Daly, “Alice -Lotraine ss cstacs 0 mae ae eee F 47 
Dana, Prof. Harry W. L 
Organizer, Intercollegiate Liberal 

FEA Zire NO arckare le cicre snichelalatele ousttente 59 
Lecturer, classes of Young Workers’ 

Teague «ews Uae oes atohdi Seem ae 65 
d’ Anseline,:Getieral: 3.55.5 see ea hee cece . 162 
Danton 0. ereiaraiereteiaset stavevats 6, 61, 62, 150 
Davis, aie oe aol Cora ele Sento tee oan or ae 161 
Debs, Eugene Vin eae Unto gs er aye 132, 164, 173 

In conferences to assist arrested Com- 

MUD IStE Sees dacs ae a ala 172 
Labor Defense Council.............. ee 
Mistakes, (Of aus sie ecclee: eave ea ee 29 
Stockholder, Russ-Amer. Indus. Corpo: 

TAOS. 6 Sas lees wine Ge eee 181 
Deer River (Minn.) Finnish radicalism. . 57 
Dei Forests Roberts. Gscss,c aisle cee 185, 186 
Der Prank ON oo wen oleae aehiet ais uke honed 13 
de’, Mille. William 2Oy cc wsachoae 83, 150, 151 
Deming: Roberti tO acc lebn a eurerreiies mete 49 
Democracy, a Study in Applied......... 190 
Democracy, pictured by French Revolu- 

TLODISES Meters iets da wraheie. ci cy <hen suceen eee eee nea 
Democtatio) Lorms, ¢.sceks estes cor eee 7 
Denby, Edwin, Sec’y. of Navy......158, 159 
Department of Justice.......... ids cee 17, 46 
Department of. States ae. «4a Rise Sones 
Deportation Act......... 6 edecep pate cots taena 138 
Deportation of Aliens..... ale oaevect iinet abeieaate 212 
De Silver, Albert........ anes 118, 123 
Detroit, Mich. 

Communist report on labor in........ 133 
Federation? of “Labors 4c ase eee 98 
Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, a publica- 

TION ie aia ears vote cont Sie acieeeaene ee aera * 74 
Dial, -The,:..a- publication, ....<sinmes ane 185 
Dictatorship of the Proletariat, see Prole- 

tarian Dictatorship 
Dill, Senator (Washington)............. 49 
Directorates, interlocking, see interlocking 

directorates. 
. Disarmament, encouraged in Army and 
PAG kere es eee REAL a er ria 9 Pa ne Aa ht 





INDEX 





Discipline, party, decline of..... aa Caan 38 
District Industrial Organizer............ 138 
aepaitiat se Dost eet tte ss rel ek etate Cys tel oe 47 
Dostoevsky ......... Re pale teia sare cus ins a 151 
eRe CROMER a ces su hue oak g Gio on, SO 
Drake, Francis..... Bat Niataiie, cistetnatel a sheen 84 
Eee Hl aman at fe ee Genre pars 175 
Dubrowsky, Dr. David 
Capt. Paxton Hibben and............. 105 
Interviews Calles, Mex. premier....... 106 
Jewish Public Committee.............. 101 
Ken omatten aipay roll. ese ai ee. ek 101 
Organizes Russian Feliel Flee sees ; 100 
Duluth report on labor in............... 134 
Duncan, Isadora..... BIE srcteah Sean tora ean ees ee 141 


Dunne, William F. 
Address to Workers’ Party Convention 89 


Arrested at Bridgman, Mich.......... 21, 22 
er, Aer Conunectionss. «cass son ae eG 15, 40 
Candidate, Governor of New York, 40, 89, "109 
Changed with criminal conspiracy..... 124 
Friends of Soviet Russia............. 98 
BPR DEISO Too As C5 Sk oie eR aioinied wee 125) 
Labor Defense Council............. 173, 174 
Duquesne (Pennsylvania)..... Sharliie ereiots 122 
DIGNO MD ICONOLA 4 dic God he's coeleleniie hs she x . 146 
MATL mE Res PAITNOr ek ariiere tena et iere sedate My eo 
PZerzninsky on wscaincle os Bees fel eun wat OMe mS i ates: 
E 
EE CUIpLVMME LD REY prea otclccal « eratare states ace isin. orem euy 6 65, 99 
Foch (N, Y.) political methods in Mos- 

COWEE sis eieniad tonnes wes ee teas alaetorete ih 
Hastman, Crystal. .o. 52. errata tea o/h sia ovine c 117 
Eastman, Max 

PAINE a ivew ibis ONION. eens ea ins sete 121 
Givtle biber me Dureatt. oo el. icine eters 180 
Toviroe: Tne Liberator. ooo els Sek 79 
Friends Soviet Russia............---- 98 
WitrmGlatdes\ich ay sa. sears seein 190 
Ebert-Scheidemann Government (Ger- 

INAINVAV Eee tate eavelcce wi asth Oe alent ane oh 63 
Peteleteiin’ MAOLEIS, as es oe Oa oe fee as 173 
Edgerly, Lady, see Countess Korzybska.. 
(yg A UL ADEE, Sole Rl ie ae EERE SE oe 35 
Fikskosovich, Vassilivich......0..¢52.2.. 146 
Peections. storram, for, C, Po An 20%. 245 
CURES a CCRT Ie ac dead See et at Pe ea hr 8 141 
PNR T ET CES tee ve nna os praise liars @ 8 ese 83 
Emergency Peace Federation......... 130, 121 
CEST Sie COS sare RE LR RA BRA ee Aap PER 220 


Engdahl, J. Louis 


At Convention of Workers’ Party.... 88 


Or tet A Ws ee ois ote we ea ee 15 

PIMPS PIT NOW) VOT! . te bale vis eda Vane 175 
BO VIEL | Gaara a ik gh a Wee NR a A a 62 
England 

IAGALESS tol WOLKers! Of. «oslo estes 5 86 

APeOCAUS MWAtHS RLAanCes severe cite sian clote re 23 

PoraM II MIStS Malt et ete ene aes Git ea ee te ol aria S 257 

PPISCHICLE SOL erate hee Cea ey ane ae ais 194 

In counter-revolutionary alliance...195, 247 

Refuses to accept deportees........... 212 
SOL OM tee Masts erica erele ou laishne fia’ Shale Mae ee 16 
Me AreCCORI UT HiT Cl os cae ts oes fos ns 119 
MONDE RDA TICS ais orxtete wk, wens Sccceusee a we 21 
Hsotonageswabor. in wbongland. seek avec. 265 
Executive. Committees. ...5...0...0.0304. 228 
Expenditures, excessive, damaging to the 

etAtA cos sa Ses torn ides CaS CADE eae 198, 250 
F 

Famine in Russia 

NEO LATIS CLIO LE ctecrychs cetera eeteiice ake tae 142, 177 
Batitnesnocotite Clabseak occccsc conhee « Asie 20 


Famine Relief ........... A ne sete Sees 
See also Agrarian. 
Farmers, State Credit to....... 9 aera 's 199, 251 
Appeal to wives of............ 177, 178, 89 
Farnis; foreclosures. offic: sas sone cass 199, 251 
Farm-Labor Party 
Re tal AG eats oll erates te tarp ht ars Ge Niwas ae ales 45 
Labor Defense Council............. 173-174 
Farmers National Council.............. 45, 46 
Federal Council, Churches of 
Christain cA merica nsec settee te 119, 187 
Federal Reserve Banking System........ 49 
Federal Trade Commission........... 101, 185 
Federated Press. 
© © Howe, a contributor tones. 46 
Offices in Berlin and Moscow......... 80 
Organ of the Communists........... aie are 
Promised ¢S100,000 5 Wig sc sans oleh chee 151 
RAIN Gino ne yatOrees ance teenie 82-84 
Supported by Communists............ 131 
Supported by Conf. Pro. Polit. Action 47 
Used by Third Internationale......... 
Federated (Press. Bulletin. oc onleaiecctens 181 
Federated Press League 
Objects ..... Ee Raine Natt eT nae eeaatereeats 80 
Bruce Rogers raises money for........ 150 
Federation of Federal Employees....... 53 
Bein ber obits sev eso ca erse eit eesed sake le shai oie wietere se 80 
Berrets croup of aniatchists ss eee cies ta 185 
Heretison Pages ceo starsae sini’ sistelensietie siege, sheet 119 
BeAstetich py County oc 4 eae nis Gade eae erates 44 
WEI CK ELE Pere po iar eae rial eRe STS wees, enkis) alelete ate size 61 
Finland 
Legality of Communist Party haber any 25 
Revolutionary conditions in........... 23 
Finnish Socialist Federation............ 88 
Finnish Workingmen’s Association...... 98 
First American Conference for Democ- 
racy and Terms of Peace........... . 120 
First Legal Aid Bureau.........--s.2.- 121 
Flaherty. hl Womas sores ciiciects sbekensiese vale lereters 21 
Flora sJonns Covi onesie ces vaiekis oe + Ue oe 173 
Flynn, Elizabeth Gurley 
Amer C1Vvo ab ieee ULES tt ai ter reine) petbee 117 
In conference to assist Communists... 172 
Labor Defense Council............ 173, 174 
Fool, 4 Thesia fla. s Ci eee eal ot 151 
Ford (Henry), Peace Ship 225.7. 5 5. 121 
Foreign Policy Association.............. 187 
Foreign Relations Committee 
LESe Senate. sires steers Fa aed ane a oak rr 
Foreigners, 
Amoneh ComimtunistSiry ss via.) clic slene = 20 
Dependent on radical literature....... 76 
Foster, William Zebulon.......... OR Wire Bae UE 
Aids SEHlpelinommMasses wat cise aioe tne 209 
IAM er ee ival migipsma® NOs c ices akeyarer 94, 117 
TAtrestedmate ChicagOcsn ates hi sinha ees 13 
Attends Syndicalist Conference........ 93 
Attends Anarchist Conference........ 94 
Attends Red Trade Union Inter- 
TIACIONALS eet ekeie Sorat cael Wiekaieye Since 91, 95 
At Bridgman Convention...........+- 22 
Called.ta\ disruptionist.... 0526 is Saas 84 
Charged with violation of Michigan 
LARS Rohe alee ic eater ee eketeoaaor e sl ena 208 
Charlie Chaplin’s guest of honor...... 150 
Convention of Maintenance of Way 
Kaiployees oo hinn tases anton wieleie ee 128 
Defense at St. Josephs, Mich......... 208 
Descriphioneolas ss siiis be wielsla sree ene 92, 93 
Federated Press, Exec. Board........ 80 
Friends mots Sava ussiaw caren csv eae tose 98 
Helps arrested Communists........... 172 
Hostility to Gompers......c.c20- cerns 28 


[277] 





INDEX 





NOUNS Ei Wis NV cos Bie. 8 oe audigharatipner ar aeke eee 93 
Labor Defense Council............... 173 
Leaves Bridgman Convention......... 38 
Leader radical wing, A. F. L......... 52 
eaves 15 Wists Waiaiiine goin arrester a 95 


Member, Home Colony of Anarchists.. 94 
Member, A. F. L 

Not a’ member) of (CsPo Ae Ee: 208, 213 
Paid agent of Moscow 
Portrait of 


eee eee ere eer eres 


Secures support for Labor Herald.... 208 


Secretary, Syndicalist League of 

North A merical sci wventee cet ono etetere ss aetee 94 
Speaks’ in) New ) York: City?:c) 2 ais.5./ 175 
Succeeded by Jay. G. Brown.......... 46 
Trial of, ati St. Josephs, Mich... 2...) 207 
Trustee, Garland )\Fund.c3 2b). es 80, 151 

France 

Atioddsa with eneland sansa eed 23 


Communistic program in trade unions. . 31 
Distrust of 
In Counter-Revolutionary Alliance. .195, 247 


Legality of Communist party in...... 25 
Refuses to accept deportees.......... 212 
Revolution in, brought on by a German 
PEVOlUtIOM My teiera eee leee nheen ch otcichs acarere tone 23 
Revolutionary Socialistic Committee... 31 
France, ‘Senator (Maryland) v.03. sss 126 
Frankfurter, Felix 
A Modern Revolutionary............. 6 
American Civil Liberties Union...... alee 
Colleague of Zecharia Chaffee.......... 4121 
Counsel in Mooney case......:..2... 60 
Griticisintot;atularvardya 5 ae te nats 60 
Files Charges against Dept. of Justice.. 216 
fetter (to; by. Roosevelt. 2. tates occe sete ae 118 
Represents President Wilson.......... 61 
Franklin, «Joseph (Age Anes Ga sie tees 45 
Frazier. Senator \CNSaD. dere + iste nae bine 49 
Freedom car publication’. wea als cessive 185 
Frees tloveni iain. wcsriatias «aireeie ere areas 20 
Freeman, The, a publication............ 78 
Free press and free speech...... 1654 120.8211 
Fretheit, a publication 
Organ of Jewish Federation of Workers 
WOE a shia doer ratS A Lei a vile aN a me rea a aN 76 
Erenchmhevolutionigecal dee eenee ae 5, 6 
French and Russian Revolutions com- 
DATO ee MOMs atagec a) Ores ayeh nal LON Aa: ember ERAN 55-6 
Prepnd mo hrnst, faci oc ene cae ea 187, 216 


Friends of Soviet Russia 
Approved by the Nat. Inf. Bureau.... 187 


PN CHIVILICSPOLT ne anak Wake es eee ale 98 
Branch GLC PA wait wea See 42 
Chicago’ Federation: ofeis 02.2.0. Os neato’. 149 
Circular concerning Russ.-Amer. Indus. 

Corporation; suo ek sen ee aoe ee ee 176 
Disposition Ototundésns oy eon oe nk 98 
Dissemination of Communist propa- 

WANA Gaba: am wie wale we hae Ve ae 72 


Endorsed by Illinois State Federation of 


abot eee aoe sy meme as ele Mec ie ln ge toe 132 
Baminexscout  Clupsocdtenmiicacieiei sae fe 
Finnish support in Deer River........ 58 
Kormeds pyar aie iA v9, sere oy scebs ce rarcicren: 98 
Going intomthe) mMoviesu.taniies acter oeiive 152 
Moneyizcollectediqbynaucnsm monet 97 
Seélis’ ligerature 202 Cece ae ee arenes 106 

Buruseth, “Andrew i * ak. ane comme tree stele 182 
G 

Gage ST yaar s Aye uslcs 6 eaters fargo i eaten 82, 83 

Gale Xk cZon at Soe etn och etch en ale 186 


Garland Foundation 


Federated Press expect support from.. 80 
Foster a trustees jofes scenes on scene 94, 151 
Foster promises funds of............ 81 
Gartz, Mrs. Kate Crane...63, 80, 83, 150, 151 


Geier, (Anna Soidoea sine cule nw ws sieue tree 75 
General Strike, see strike 
George (Henry dies ¢ Pine. c wate « eee ee 151 
Germany 
American troops in... ..scise. cscs w an 163 
And world revolution........se++ee0- 16 
Bolshevization of ....... a Sie: ole essaeterans ; 16 
Communist’ party (107s. « 9 «6 <stee ror oe 23 
Legality of Communist party in...... 25 
Revolution ities. ar-ges ol ticle steleueionsl avers 238, 157 
Wrari i Wit ll cic cictiaie nates tele temas asier al Pen amerens 121 
Getson,) \Peretvall: Decisis oor eee es eee 83, 150 
Gest, Morris 
Financed. by .Otto Kahn.s. ec forces 146 
Initiates ‘‘Russian’’ dramatic propa- 
GANGA ee Gio arate am Ue Hielele Pinteteia pera 144 
Leaves parents and seven brothers and 
sisters) in. Berling siete cs ic caemaettete 146 
Leaves, Odessat tan. Sen cones 146 
Manages Russian Art Theatre........ 145 
Getts; Clark He, Pe ee 80, 83 
Gitlow, Benjamin 
Ate Bridgman, sMichsn.ci cake eee 21 
Cent= Exi2 Com) Cap oe Ato canons ates 15 
Chairman Presidium ..... Red siAmiee Guay 22 
Plinois)}\ Fed note Labor. . cca cie aterchlens 132 
Gla whit is 1s Wieieae sre snletee a a ee 12 
Godless: S Phe. fe etsietieics ore teeta Frontispiece 
Golde Michael (ues orc ce ciseentecgerercaetenenera 119 
Golosory {60 dai este wu a lelacese ates oe one apaueaoners 65 
Golubson, Berlin propaganda official.... 75 
Gomez-Juan Vincente {2.13.60 ee ee 220 
Gompers,)) Samtiel sys) odenca eo teistecncletee verte 221 
Hatredof “WZ. 4 Bostet; ford veeac es 28, 52 
Hostility of, to Trade Union Edu- 
cational SL eager inane eenietsen ie cieeniere 32 
PO] .OF, eobse ates PRS ok clones the eae 78 
Resigns''from 7A; As. ely iene selene 182 
Swune labor: towaty ccauieuis tec nestetets 29 
Goodnian;’ Leniawss. scar 3 ie keen eee 178 
Goose: ‘Caucus y 325.5 asc receneieee cay aiotet sheeieee 238 
Gore, “Charles Wace ea cece 209 
Gorkyiee Maxini 0 Cenc tan it edernudiereneroeiee miata 146 
Government of U. S. A. 
Communists and theirs. eae 155 
Destruction demanded .........+:00 165 
Overthrow uby;) violence. aa eet 212, 213 
Representative Republican ........... 6 
Grable By Bae sensed faa’. caltnaed cea aenaee 128 
Grain welevator sini. /an «ct sicuslone eeadarstelets teal 199, 251 
Granges Wiradical Gi wane ede oe is oe aenate 43 
Grant, Rev. >Perey Stickney 22,04. 4.0ae 173 
Green yi William nec fs sca unece oie aiclbe stoners 45 
Greenway) Jack saw caesar area aienee 61 
Griffiths 2 DE Wrkitias ies acess cid tanebetaels 149, 150 
Griffiths: George! Hints. a oats ain elon 46 
Grifith te Raymond ee ce science rer caine 151 
Grow, s Gurley it? cust tinct Geen feet 84 
Girateriala. ois. ¢ sises ie dysieinete alate nie eee 220 
H 
Haessler,: Carl oy0 nics Wee oa pled Sanne 80 
SEMIS eon cee ease eihce ce ale ata ene SR ee ee 219 
Hale, Swinburne costae eer ae aes 217 
Hammeéersmark, ? Samuel ol votes. sstatetesan 107 
Hapgood, Norman 
Accepts Sinclair’s ‘‘Mobland” ........ 638 
Ame Civil, Dibss Union: mice seiner 63 
Editor, Hearst’s Magazine ..........- 63 


a rte a ae ang EE i et eo we 
INDEX 
ppt Se SEE SA ie Ne AR ET EIR Melons eo ca las ae el ll Ay aD Rang Ie RN CLR: 


Harrison, Caleb 


Arrested at Bridgman ....2.....<...-. 21 
ichairiian > Presidium fo. 0 oe ce ok 22 
Friends Soviet Russia .............. 98 
Notified of arrival of detectives ...... 88 
Worker’s Party Convention .......... 88 
erersmentss. Dre Jacob & Wor sida cs4s wes os 98 
Harvard University 
As a center of radicalism ............ 58 
ssociaved (clitbs. (of: a4... a ee 60 
Sosmopolitans Club of 6.26 iodo ads Cou. . 64 
INGCRTOGS LONE oes eS cae oes he 189 
Harvard Liberal Club 
Affiliated Amer. Civ. Lib. Union ..... 123 
PML VORE COLHE  Soie fie dos kik ee a cht TELLS 
Prarvester) Trust 2260 Ne eco: AN EEE wipe ansel 219 
Hat, Cap and Millinery Workers...... 45, 136 
PEMREEDY AMEE ET OG ba ion vo lats ee ae eo anak 173 
MOGMOLTIAINI Cs Cee cre eee re abies 161 
PEG Va TA eee rin ees COR ON ieee aly 220 
Bea vOG. a MAR e Osis kaise (ee maa ete tee 173 
MER BOSTON LL eRe Ria pte a ieaNe yt my 141 
Not popular with Charlie Chaplin.... 150 
Negotiations with Charles Recht ...... 152 
Haywood, William D., (Big Bill). .29, 46, 60 
Pirsig ei itstizancen tc onli. eaten ae 182 
PR eAER EUV IAT Re od ches eee Cae oe 61 
Hearst’s Magazine, a publication........ 63 
RACOIUIEY CL ey. GT), ators le Ste See este ki crcl ee bere oats 149 
Heller, Abraham Aaron 
Receives $48,000 from Berlin......... 74 
PE PISIIETOLS tie es <a x Bae Ot alee Ree F537 162 
Henry Curtis Dow Company ........... 36 
Henry street Settlements. ok lc eae 183 
PPS ALO CIN CUO OF Raa oe ae Siig he en otk Sead 144 
Herbert, French revolutionary.......... Gel 
Brerere Wassacres 4. Co. tu its he acne. See 129, 180 
Hibben, Captain Paxton, ....... 106, 107, 187 
Acts for Russian Red Cross ........ 103 
Board of U. S. Army appointed to 
Getermmine fitness (3.2 ee ee 103 
Endorsed by friends of Sov. Russia.. 107 
Coes) to Moscow?! fever. oe tee | 108, 104 
Organizes relief drive .............. 103 
BIEAISED ADVE TeUeStIG:  o haocded oe ae aha 105 
ETSONal AHISTOTY et bas Se bee he eee ay 103 
Places a wreath on John Reed’s grave.. 107 
Plans an appeal to farmers............ 110 
ALIOM LOL MiteT IE ove Cd ea eh ke pened, 104 
Soc. of American Relief for the 
Children of? Russias. bos eee 104 


Visits of artists to U. S., planned by.. 143 
Hillman, Sidney, 


Amer. Com. Relief Russ. Child....... 104 
MCee Oe Da Cannon ss eae oe 148 
Labor Defense Council .............. 17 
Pres., Amal. Cloth. Workers.......... 45 
Russian-Amer, Indus, Corp. ..<..0... 181 
Be ttehinn AO HC FOSBY cee ie sg Ieee wale 104 


Statement concerning Soviet Russia .. 104 
Hillquit, Morris 
(Misca Hilkowicz) ..46, 61, 117, 121, 148 


EIDCRDGEHNET 1 Calin ete Oe 151 
Hoffman, see Morris Kushinsky. 
BIULUADAS CA Len ta: amt es rl ihn om 83, 150 
BPA TL Bem iy cn oe oie er tre ae OOS RE 75 
Hollywood movie colony 
canvassed .ior Tundg sy. 2... etoseae th, 83 
Holmes, Rev. John Haynes 
Labor Defense Council .............. 173 
Anti-American organizations .......... 121 
JaNigg Tots 90 DANE Wp Pi calles, Aten ch SOME ome BA ter sigs 183 
Intercollegiate Liberal League ........ 59 
TSP GROOM Pre. Caio © oot Ik cin he eta ne 105 


Relief for Russian Children ......... 105 

Civil \Liberties,; Bureat 2 once. ela ek 186 
Holtsiriamilton pickin eee ae 121 
Home Colony of Anarchists ........... 94 
Home, destruction (of) ove. fe. See 20 
Hooker George Bone iis tee ee 80 
Hoover, Sec’y of Commerce ............ 102 
TAGOVERSs ) Ob Weel, 2 oie ee oe ea ee 17 
HopkinewiPrincesx sh. keene ee .63, 83, 151 
Houghton; Dri artis vA yes elke ee alte? 
Flouse'of 3 Commons Gon oe a ek 257 
PION SE WIVES INS tote foe ae cia We es oe bes ied 
PHowatty Alexander Peay nop fh acu skeet 84, 130 
Howe, Fred’k C. 

Ameri Civ hip.: Unionion tac wees : 46 
Howell, Senator (Nebraska) ........... 49 
Hnebsch Ba Wa re ae here nna d Liz 
Hughes, Hon. Chas. E., Sec’y of State.. 120 
HullelHouse cs: Chicagasy 2 stout ool 181 
Hungarian Federation in America ...... 233 
Hungarian Communist Party .......... 44 
Hungarian Socialist Federation ......... 88 
Hungary, 

Revolutionary conditions in .......... 23 
REVO tion. 11 owen ce ee eee wins wee es 233 
M 

Idgeskom, see All-Russian Jewish Relief 
Committee. 
Tiot LE NevaaR OIA Vie acl rptuley wie eats 151 
Illegal (No. 1) Branch, C. P. A. 
Must continue, violations of law under 
COVER MGT Ot tons se vian gos eater rere 24 

INOtL tO MER EXPOSE Coast heh ocean: 14 

Permanencyi, Of Okie as ce arene ates 35 

Relations to legal (No. 2) branch 25 

To control Communist forces ........ 137 
Litinoiscoal sheldsiee poy. as eae c caklnuts 129 
Illincis State Federation of Labor ...... 182 
Imperialism, American, ............. 219, 221 

Capitalism in Latin-America ......... 27 
ENGIa We eerie weer eae crits Weng Selate tok Shy Vic) 
Industrial Activities 

COMM UNIStE HIN) ta oo eis woe er ale a ees 385 127,0 229 
Industrial Communism and the I. W. W. 161 
Industrial. Court: .(Kansas).... 6... 189, 250 
LadustrialmUnronisiiirs so ee as ct he eee 32 
Industrial Workers of the World 

Amcriminaly orpaniz2ationi minus men ane ct 61 

American Civil Liberties Union....... 123 

Characterization by Communists ..... Thi be 

Defense Committee ...........0--05- 45 

Excluded from Conf. Pro. Polit. Action 48 

HOrmatlonesOLe eis saree ase ea a orate 44 

Liquidation of by Communists ....... 136 

Labor Defense Council .............. 173 

Not concerned in justice ..........%. 61 

Representation at Union Convention . 128 

Red Trades Union Internationale ..... 131 

Represented in Workers’ Party ...... 88 

Wallan’ (714%; Koster resigns yen kG sae. 95 
Insinuations, into political organizations 

TVR OP PALO, cc tone eintaians oo ie ipa ead 41 
Insurance, social, by the State ......... 182 
Insurance, compulsory health ....., temas 182 
Inter-church World Movement ........ 95, 119 
Inter-collegiate Liberal League 

Branches addressed by Upton Sinclair 64 

Oreanizationa Olm aan ents eee ee 58, 59 

Personnels OFM tak seiehee te een eis iene eas 59 
Inter-collegiate Socialist League ....... 46, 58 
Interlocking. directorates “J... 22-. ste 10 


{International Association of Machinists. .44, 45 


[279] 





INDEX 


RARE SAP Ae aie Ey eee Ee ML Sk CAN Sale RA Nach se ee ee eS A rs ee SN ey Se Tc BE on 


International Brotherhood of Blacksmiths 
ANG MEL EIPELS Cane ecterckeve reise ere orci ace 44 


International Brotherhood of  Boiler- 
makers acts caters seme eee as 44 

International Brotherhood of Stationary 
Riremen tand 7 Oilerstaesin ce eee 44 
Internationale of Former Combatants.... 162 
International Congress of Women ...... 180 

International Ladies Garment Workers 
Un ion Weta wiet coke eta te eterecens Bak? Wega ae, aise 
As a Jewish organization ........... 45, 136 


Conditions in Baltimore ............- 183 
International League of Working Women 181 
International Propaganda Bureau of the 

‘Dhird * Internationale eens aac ceierelel 22, 79 
International Secretariat of Communist 
Women (Moscow) 
Internationale, Third, see Third Internationale. 
International Trades Union, see Trades 
Union Internationale. 


Internationat.Oxy gem @omecs aati ceeenee 74 

International sRed# Crossy eee hee 99 

International Workers’ Famine Relief 
Committee ies tia sles eee ees 104 


International Women’s Suffrage Alliance. .180 
Internationalism and World Revolution.. 16 


Inwood Catntry Club an. pen cae oe 74 
Trelatid rs Aire ic irasiaepanta oe tek crete thoes Bee Pain BE 
Trish-American Tabor Alliance SIG tna 88 
Italian Chamber of Commerce .......... 149 
Italian Workers Federation ............ 88 
Realy Che cit ck cas eis Meals OO ae tek 23, 25 
Ivanovitch, Ivan, nee Ivan Narodny. 
Izvestia, a publication, ".......- <<. Se bObwel4as 
J 
ADA mechs tee ave eae te ees 23, 74, 194, 195, 247 
Japanophobia ..... aia Sher bene Bara or eler wTOret cles 247 
Jestis)) Citist nine eee as See eee 119, 161 
TesussDhinkérs ::i0 cugia tence cris ite Ae RY 
Jewish Public Committee ............6. 101 
Newish oRarhets.( 02 3 an eels e otk hale Lis 133 
Jewish Socialist Federation ............ 44, 88 
Jewish Workers, to be organized against 
KEP KK So ee een has eats ties 191 
Jewish Workers’ Federation) 24-60. acces 88 
Jews, Active in Nuclei Work ....4..... 185 
Johnson, Senator (Minnesota) .......... 49 
Johnsons cempletonmasemccseiccucion ees 82 
Johnston, William H. 
Calledwamsocialisticsncisee sitet cioters ee iclere 43 
Gont:? Prog: PolitsvAction ii. a0 0 ohale 45 
Inter. Machinists Union ............. 43 
Lauded by Socialist papers .......... 44, 45 
Peoples Legis. Service ............00. 43 
Fordatn.7 Davie Start. wo pee oe bet een a eta seek 
Journal of the American Bankers 
ASS OCIRELOM a Se rete enaNe Ree AGO 
Jtigo-Slaviaia antec a. eee Sielaniaia he tore cee 
Jungle, (Thewas fim, )oeaeaie sce Riceee eee 148 
Jury in trial of William Z. Foster ...... 209 
Justice; Dept. of vor ien Ga ees stare Gia ws A Ba be 5 bs 4 
K 


Kahn, Otto H. 


Backs Russian Art Theatre ........145, 146 


Backs Chauve-Souris ........e00- Piece 46 

Backs Morris Gest .........:. Meteo Lee 

Employs Paul Cravath ..... EP ae 185 
Kaiser, Thebes sete ees iat ake ravene 163 
Kalinin, Mem. Polit. Bureau ...... : 10 
Kamenev, Rosenfeld 

In chatvevot propaganda =... se seen 75 


Member, Polit. Bureau ....... Le tae 10 
Wife of, ‘sister of Trotzky 0.5.66 10 
Kaminsky, (Max. \.0'.'¢ f04.0 5 be sae ee eee 65, 99 
Kane, Francis Fisher ........... 173, 175, 217 
Karoly ieee tm dan sce <ciee sae eam toate ; 44 
Kahub; (Mrs. Martha 27.35. .04 Sve sas 81, 82 
Katayamator oe usce siete stele Bete le fe crecctetens 12, 158 
Katterfiel doles Bik. ceric tea ciate nateanavaens 119 
Keating,» bdwardy o occce oo seeute enact 45, 46 
Kelley; ‘Robert Foon 0 5 SOs 85:9) Lise 
Kellogg,’ Paul Os ick See ieee teres 186 
Kelly, Mrs. Florence (Wishnewetzkey).. 187 
Kendrick, Senator (Wyoming) ......... 49 
Khinchuck, President of oa iwi 106 
KRitchweys. red aumiscceke viel rakes cle atatltans 173 
Khefoth: (At W... Scicd aie cislessvalg ahevel chonatons CavS2 0S 
Riidson tise ek cc hee ee ‘aes 
Roloray eine sie aco cke e deoes ask scien eet chao 12 
Konikow, Mrs. Antoinette F. .......... 65 
Kopp, Wigdor (Kopelevich) ...........- vas) 
Koreas healed ae Baeeeeeche oe bea elerate pieeines 74 
Korzybska, Countess (Lady Edgerly) ... 82 
FROVNGL LG etek so rere nllega aoe eae ehaherokele Oe romans a 15 
Kowalsky, Josephine seca ori eecuate lenene 138 
Krassitt: §, Ba) vas iere cio ccs ks eine: wie coat cnet ernie 74, 143 
Krestinsky, “Nicholas. alors actece eens 104 
Kronstadt; Fleet firs eects au otepelenncnener tie 157 
Krumbein: \Charles*.. 7 acetone RE % 21 
Koaurhn i oeb 1 & Cove oor oc oie eeneienters 185, 187 
Ku Klux Klan 
Tnfiltration of, by Communists ........ 193 
Liquidation of, demanded ......... 199, 251 
Menace to working class ...........-. 193 
Opposition to negroes .........6.. 122, 192 
Strike (breaking body)... cece 197, 243 
Kun, Bela, see Bela Cohen. 
Kursky nie cee DA eee ee ee P 75 
Kushinsky, Morris (Hoffman) .......... 175 
Kusinen ...... 12, 13, 183, 194, 249, 250, 256 
L 
Labor, Department of ..... Se ee eens 2138 
Labor sanoublication = cm.t ie eee 5 teete 4 Dene 
Labor Age. a publication .......2..000% 46, 47 
Labor Banks rit dote.es eesti nice cent ae 45 
Labor «Board U. {Shai 2) eee ae 198, 250 
Labor Defense ‘Couneil 0... 607. 8. 171, 175 
Cooperating Com. Defendants......... 174 
Headquarters) of fone ceo eet . 174 
Purpose "of 402 eie cs address oe eee 173 
Provisional Nats: Comics seen ea eee 174 
Labor Fil Magazine 2.02.00. 6cecsecee 148 
Tabor iehilmeoervicem done cele oie .. 147, 140 
Labor + File; Service (Coo ;40.ie. con Pee rete 148 
Labor-Herald, The, a publication 
Edited by William Z. Foster ........ 80 
Foster secures support for .......... 208 
Trade Union Educa. League ........ 66, 91 


Labor Monthly, a publication ........... 259 


Labor News, a publication ............. 80 
Labor) Party «(Eneland) 4 $0.02.4 ee 257, 267 
Labor Publication Society ............ 45, 47 
Labor Review, a publication ........... 80 
Labor Temple, (Los Angeles) ...... +06 
Labor Union Press, control of .......200, 252 
Ladies Waist Makers Union ......... (zr lae 
La Follette, Senator (Wisconsin) ...... 49, 61 
La Guardia, Congressman (N. Y.) oes eto 
Latsve, a publication ........ CER ae 78 
Landis; award, .(Chicago)ins staan eee 132 
Lang, Joseph, see Joseph Pogany. 

Papp Dr John Ales. deen eee 173 
Larkin D408 due sae odhatatels RES Minar ioc 132 


[280] 


ee ee a a a en 


INDEX 


Lasky, Jesse ...... MOIR Mire WES. fe we x 150 
Lathrop, Rev. Charles M. ............ 119 
Latin-America ...... SERRE Shite tists ter ae 221-222 
Communist activity in ..... Eee AR ed: 
Investments and strike breaking in .... 220 
PA REMOME DEM re Oh a Gora co ancd oe ais Sade o.6 219 
Tatin-America workers cannot fight alone 220 
Uo gs lea 1 Ca a ga IEA See Sa en 47 
Lawrence, Mrs. Patrick ............. fot wART 
Laws, shortcomings of our ........... wStt 
BMINE EN PULNMILIS SS. cota Oh a bio alan shave cake 173 
Peeaos F ARNeS e BroWwi oo ak... were ew cae’ .. 186 
League for Amnesty for Political 
Prisoners? 4. 8 p82 Siecotetoliate Scsusts lavevaters 120 
League for Indus. Democracy..45, 46, 53, 58 
emetievet: INALONS esha cur sk coe ous. 196, 247 
League to Enforce Peace .............. 187 
Meee lari, eracccw nek Seat Asis Ai 85! le 58 | 
seme) Branch, +(No.. 2)oC. “PJ 7Al eee 226 
See also illegal branch (No. 1). 
Bulletin concerning relations ...... ae 37 
PUMANCIN GA OF ye eT ok ASE DEN rect 85 
Relations of branches ........ 24, 165, 225 
ERMUKIGS CYT: Jove tick Wek eet ae St 21 
PeMAN MIN ICOLAL Oss vice etc ce ta SLO sy 
Directs C. P. A. policies ........ Evie: 30 
Letters to Steinniets os Fo. fee. eck 69 
By fitings Sofas 6360s bas ENG gre eaare ahroketoe 62 
PROEEE OY pe Re et. Meyer eA, 101 
Be DOVE Ty, ee eee ae o's 44 
Peete Mat KROES SPR 8 oy Phases cae 22 
Meme emantiel io yo. ek eee Lk Sane 82 
Lewisohn, Adolph ......... A Ahcite Ouis ORs. 182 
MP WISORN CALCOT. cock oe hey ue eae tes SL 186 
Liberator, a publication ..... 79, 119, 185, 190 
Liberty, Equality, Fraternity .......... 5 
MR ORMOCHE OS vebied ce OAs tee ht wt Fuh oe 66 
ERtE EW abet Woo si 3-. luli dae here eke oe 99, 100 
Meat RSS ATSCAR UA Gla tate fore WS ee 173 
pote eres Prancia Co.) fs Woo 80 
Bpengrenie tric ar sg aw ee ee 125 
ROVille ss Henry © Rey itis oe eso othe oe 173 
Liquidators, not to be tolerated ........ 38 
Literary Digest, a publication .......... 59 
Literature, Communist, ...... Ae OREO 20 
Lithuanian Relief Committee .......... 98 
Litvinov 


Conducts propaganda section in Reval 75 
Member, All-Russ. Cent. Ex. Com. .. 74 


“No danger of famine in Russia’”’..... Wie 
Russian Red Cross official ............ 102 
Peciner louis Piss. cl. 79, 80, 121, 123 
PIS SR ae BO a an See 80 


7, 8, 9, 12, 120 


Pee UC TACINCS 505 ok eek es Lad 
Bet OLitz+ Fad ia ce Sen 149, 173, 174 
London, center of propaganda in ....... 75 
Meee LU WIG or fe fees we one Oe 15, 98 

Los Angeles (Cal.) radical teaching in 
school, of \.3 0. & 23 Seka sigtecs wee he ee ois 57 

Lovejoy, Owen 

ARORA Lea hea rch Mat «Bi eG eae 183 
child > Labor. Committee? os3 eis... 186 
Director, Nat. Inf. Bureau .......... 186 

Wrote ‘Shades of Night’ Letter to 
DEE otk aie. Rae andes oe et Preapteiaae el 
Lovestone, J. (I. C. Wheat) .......... H 
Ae BMG GInAT |. Mitel. 62, eee oe hake} OA ae 
Author of Thesis on Relations ...... 33 
African Blood Brotherhood .......... 35 
Brought $32,000 from Germany ...... 22, 74 
Confidential bulletin by ............. dae € | 
mrt werele aie ree ‘ 15 


Cent, Ex. Com., C. P. A. 


Execivsecty. VC uP Awe nck eo osan re 13 

News letter release ................ 36, 239 
Lovett, Robert Morss, 

mAnier, (Civile Libs. Uninc. vis sob 11% 

Beda Preset Teagtie 2.60. tout oe es 80 

Letter to Bruce Rogers .............. 83 
LOzZOvaky = 0s oes c: Sent d, oho Taneteteus a eae Sees 92 
Lunacharsky ....... dive tain ote ne ee A 74 
Tusk Committee (N. Y. Legislature) 

Revortan2e ans 46, 123, 124, 182, 185, 186 
Mc 
MeBride *lsaarnn.ee oe, ee a ee 100, 106 
McCready," Matid tire, cost hen 80 
McGill Clamesrti. sae eee ee Cee 100 
McK ayy. Clandeice ccss * en Gee Ae: oi 190 
NeManus ier. pits Caer, tees ee 12 
DCM illay stone et eae eer er ote aa ator 2 ae 22 
MeKellay’ Senator: (Tenn. ) sie. eke. 49 
MCNamatas’ The et ste eo eer ht eat 60 
M 
MERGE CANCE ty vince hic ae. oie eres hy dee 75 
Diadden.« Marting to .7y seme cr ae 119 
Maintenance of Way Union ............ 128 
Majestic Theatre, Los Angeles ......... 151 
Magnes, Rabbi Judah I. 

Endorses Labor Film Service ........ 149 
Mandel.s Bétiaminv sc ctwins dese wok oe es 173 
Mandell) Max Solonion \iag) cous oo 5G 
INES OTE ARIES | Panes 5298 oA bre oe hee eae Ay 
Dianiv, eiasib? Moo. ae ye ole Cale ee 46 
Manners. Lady Lians =.) ei ccsdtiiic cs 146 
Marat, French revolutionary ............ 6, 61 
MALIN. a LOliis str ache oe el Sent ae 65 
Marriage, church, by Communists in 

RASS amas Coe eto pine ote 8 
Martens, Ludwig C. A. K. 
74, 98, 100, 152, 217 
MATS Asie arr ye HN ke Cea ara eT te 62, 178 
Maraans thenryiesiasu eee oe. oes aes 67 
Marsh; Beniamims Cie vir io. Se ees 43, 46 
Marcininhted thst oe ee ea, 17, 43, 46 
Biaesed ni heek ont 2ey ewer Nin ek il 225, 233 
Masses, The, a publication ............. 79 
Maier onl atmese) Petey iis oot ee Bi a dus ks 47, 186 


Meat Cutters Union of New York City.. 95 
Mediation Commission in Mooney case.. 60 


Melleutine a Meg chon oon re noes Sheek oe i 81 
Mendelsohn, Dr... William: .2.3...%. 0005. 98 
Messenger, The, a publication .......... 190 
Metalliterouse wonkets sis. k one tee ns eGo 145 
Methodist Fed. for Social Service ..... 119 
Metropolitan Life Insurance Co. 184, 185 


Metropolitan Opera House (N. Y.) .... 145 
Mexico 71, 105, 219, 220, 221 
Michailovsky, Dr. Michael ...... 100, 101, 105 
Michigan, Anti-Syndicalist laws of ..208, 213 
Midwest Labor News, a publication .... 80 


ee eee eee eae enenee 


Miah elicien Uttu. Sant mcnistectsractolaeaeas ct esate ae 22 
Military Intelligence Section, U. S 
ANSGTTL Von rade aie castes at aye] Settee Nace eee ETS 217 
Miners, infiltration of Communism 
AMONG ee chee a eka ates kode iatees wteks 32 
Minneapolis 
Report on labor conditions in........ 134 
Trades unions of, raise money, ...... 32 
Trades and Labor Council ........... 174 
Minor, Robert 
Adv. Com. Friends Sov. Russia ...... 98 
Atupridgman: i; Miche a5 evs. Gene, are 21 
Convention committee ..... way ieters ; 87 





INDEX 





Chairman, SL ne Comiriee iece. 24 
Pet Comicgs GSP WAG eterna pe ataeaa 13 
Letter ae Albert = Govlettoss ones 52 
Portraitvotis sa. eee MOR Canes 66 
War record See Me eughdCgR PS Shape ecatate iaecat gates. 99 
Minorities, secretly organized ...... 5, 10, 15 
Mission Pictures Corporation ate ka oe 150 
Mitchel si Tolin sea a ec uinte sienna eronal tie 148 
Mobland, AENOVEl Sere Ge ea Oa a oes 63 
Mob rule Ci PULSAR MEK Ea Cm tec PALA fs 6 
Moghilévsky 7-2 pica coed tas vie eaies 5 
Moles; Our = Bolshevisties sss eresne caren 257 
TE Goto re rae irate tece crete gras ogee Gb arene Te 10 
Monopoly ot: legalityiry ci ok oes els are 9 
Monroe D OCtrinGe mien wis come eae 221 
Montreal Trades and Labor Council .... 98 
MMOONnEYy MCAS Gin Waite ee etal aenvoval ore er ate tone 132 
MOra nis BEiSg cs ous ey St eee eee encaat 81 
Morrow s7 Prank.) (R97 oe ee Wade eee ate 210 
Moscow 
CyoP SAS reports tos eee ee 131 et seq. 
Settles factional fight. .......0...4.., 86 
Understands situation in U. S. A. ... 30 
World i revolution? in tee". sas sieloe dae es q 
Moscow Art Theatre 
Managed by Morris Gest ........... 145 
Permission for American trip ........ 142 
Relations with Soviet Government .... 144 
Moseleys)) CoAT ie once ade ra a 80 
Mount Vernon, Nas Yostced 2 aa ee Micra 122 
Movies, Communists active in ......... 141 
Moving pictures trustin aces eee 185 
Moyer Gharles. 2280) one ic iaee hemi 60, 148 
Mueller, see Ivan Narodny. 

Miulattoes vin ot), “Sev a he We ae ees < 190 
Maurohy,2 Dra Helént acces ee pera 175 
N 

Names, 
Change of, to hide purpose .......... 88 
Secret Communist party ............. 21 
Napoleon, Red or Bolshevik, see Pogany, 
Joseph A AES At ek Pd ric HAN oe 44 


Narodny, Ivan; alias, Mueller, Ivan Ivan- 
ovitch, Jaan Siboul, Jaan Narodny.. 79 


Nasmyth, Dr. George W. Le Aa vars DB AG ok ey 121 
Nation, The, a publication ...... 78, 185, 186 
National Assoc. for Advancement of 

Colored People)! ss huuiiceak eka sees 187 
National Child Labor Committee ...... 186 
National City Bank) CNY 50). 0k 219 
National Civil Liberties Bureau ........ 120 
National Committee for Organizing Iron 

andsroteelinW Ofkers ears ioe ee eee 122 
National Consumers League ............ 187 
National Croatian Society .............- 98 
National Defense Committee ........... 119 
National Federation of Federal 

Bimployees ie aoa tee sess Sat oR 52, 53 


National Industrial Conference Board .. 46 
National Information Bureau ...188, 184, 185 
National Labor Alliance for Trade Re- 


lations© with eR ussia seer tie oe 45, 49 
National League of Women Voters...... 180 
National (Student) FPortim a.% 40 ¢su oss 58 


National Women’s Committee, C. P. A... 90 
Nationalization of women and children.. 20 


Navy, U. S. 
Communists) and ethene qec oe aie eee 155 
Watlei ein Sercathiee's ta aw eae eee 156, 158 
Near tEast: sittiation cin’ -suee ee ee 156 
Nearing, “Seott) 2... 6. AIT 2 Leet 494 152,186 
Needle Trades Workers’ Alliance ...... 131 


Negro and Communism, 


Instructions concerning, from Moscow 189 


Opposes: Ki Ras cai ha sce 191 
Organization of darker races ....... 2191 
Organization Of .05 .6:< ake te eeetns econ 
Races struggle isin. sos sarasota 192 
Race equality and pride .......... 190, 191 
Nelles:\ Waltét.) Aiea i asiy se sis. Coane 117 
Nestor, Miss Agnes ..........-¢- 46, 181, 183 
Netirati ai ccna acts Sees a ewes 12 
Newberry 1S mips soc cop oe aca dears oasis iste 52 
New Economic Policy (Nep) ........... 16 
New England Workers Association ...... 98 
New Majority, The, a pub:...80, 95,107, 174 
New Republic, The, a publication...... 78, 185 
New York Academy of Medicine ...... 100 
New York City, elections in ........ 131, 231 
New York Call, a publication .......... 79 
New York Commercial, a publication....17, 46 
News York: Charity sl ruste.s4ce eee 184 
Nicaragua... tae eee ee oa: di eiecsev ate aetehe Peeaa et 219 
Nites; Alfred Sin, ci. da 051d aii Gee eee Aree; 
Ninéveb oe oc scree seeds) sale eee ee 194 
NoaMore (War) Day lore ose. eee eee 53 
Non-Partisan «League: 4... 458 eee 42, 47 
And CGP LAS ane sas aoe ee eee 45, 112 
In Dakota tis ui vir re eieniaee e eee 112 
Non-Partisan Relief Committee ......... 53 
Noardling: S37 eth wry. es cio cate ence eee 22 
Norris, Senator (Nebraska) ........... 49 
Nuclei 
Communist report to Moscow ..... 131 et- seq 
In conservative labor unions ........ meen: 
In Government bureaus .............. 165 
In? English ‘organizations Js .ea seas eee 260 
Tn in dustt ysis ree wk eet oe ee 127 
InvArmy ands Navy vt loe seen 156, 158 
In Negro organizations ............+. 193 
Ens Bngland 3. seks. oe bane tae eee 258 
Nuvo Tid, a ‘publication ®.25 3 oea. ee eee 89 
Nyt, a publication 3... 2c.s calc oe cele 80 
O 
Obermeiers Ms 1. 0. ies ee ee ee 173 
Obregon (Mexico), 5. 14. 8 yee eee 220 
OhsolyUJohn:Gy oe. 2 ee eee 101 


Contract for organized Russian relief 100 


Russian? Red Cross)... sahesse ce eee 99 
Society of Amer. Relief for Child. of 
Russia eon oh sl Oe Aicienca atest ee ee 105 
Oklahoma harm “abor) Union seo. ts eee 47 
Oldér j Fremotition 1.4 ele deo. el oes 61 
One: Big Unions. (v28 coe cana vee 94, 132 
Order of R. R. Telegraphers .......... 44 
Ovellana™ (Guatemalayex i052 eee 220 
Organization, methods of <......s..80e8 137 
Organization -of disorder. . cc... n sanabe ¢ 6 
Orphans of the Storm, a film .......... 149 
Owens) “Edgar cae ce i eee 98, 119 
Pp 

Pacifist: jorganizations:. 4.0. . seas .53, 181 
Pacifism, encouraged in army and navy.. 155 
Pacifists, fight to get peace ........... : 16 
Palda,: Judge) Ue ee steel. Sar oe ee 47 
Pan-American Communist Conference .. 222 
Pan-American Fed. of Labor ........ 221, 223 
Pan-American Communist Parties ...... 221 
Pan-American Conference of Women ... 180 
Paris (France) 2; (yi iteuee cca ere 75 
Parliament); Englisher, .)a0 2 eee i 257 
Parsons, ) Blsierig a «sm cateca: cae at - 18k 


[282] 








Hantyeriames. Stealing OL 6's cesiene os sence 44 
Party government ......... erase ea ike 39 
Pasadena, (Calif.) radical meeting at .. 83 
PSR OAIE LAN 5 Vu arated c 4 5:5 eials’e 5 pis) oka as bs 122 
MEADOR Vem sCOLPZe ne Bias fe ce ciews ccs Sree oiae siete 121 
Peace and Work, a publication ......... 76 
Pee the POG OL, Labo (sind sess 66 os 47 
Peoples Commissariat for Education .... 143 
COP LESHCOUNCIISS «lotic vi tiers ait sy eicie wh nsioe 123 
Peoples Council of America ........... 120 
Peopless hreedom -Uni0n.-si..sies cle oie ones 05 120 
Peoples Legislative Service ........ 48, 45, 47 
Peoples Reconstruction League...... 44, 45, 46 
Pepper, John, see John Pogany. 
TMI Male a ae oid ie tre iete no STG NG ¢ athe 9.8 sateen 74 
VP Ne TRIN BEAR gC LS a A or Ta nT Ae 220 
Peircetad. State Theatre. ..0 fis eines 147 
PACKOUNE. UTCACETU Lah, bie cheese sas oe 198, 250 
MUCROL CA TIOB Tle et biG cigs ee A eee ses 61, 121 
Re Ot se OT: GiltOrd.), oc sore c 5c 5 alee 121 
Pesnenoe ee Mrs. Gilord ) 2s 2 6.54%. 6 asm one 125, 175 
PEMtEPAT MMT ELT. Sray eis is vierey koe eee k 134 
Peat OMmTades. wan oh 6 ue ad oes re 151 
Pert iat | CAGE. Seok. san oie ene oaeene 46 
Wwabor) a ‘major factor in. .../6.4.5. 199, 251 
Scheme for nationalization of R. R... 43 
Pogany, Joseph, alias Schwartz, John 
Pepper, Joseph Lang, Red or Bolshe- 
vik Napoleon. 
meee ONIAR GRP PAU eS Gy yiie a ha gsty oe 15 
Gets check from Bishop Brown ....44, 135 
Jewish Socialist Federation (The 
PEC OTLE PMR, Ci MARS re ae cies 44 
Portrait Of.) 45:0... 5a hes AS As RRR 44 
_ Pacifist activities in Hungary ........ 44 
meat oma ( Cal.) sec ee to ik A'5d 83 
Poland, 
Legality of Communist party ........ 25 
Revolutionary conditions in ......... 23 


Political Bureau, Cent. Ex. Com., 
Com, Party of Russia (Polit. bureau) 10, 11 
Political parties in U. S. 


Peoaee OTrmanization (otic mvs. e cede ek ck 39 
DCmIn Ose Trotiw ee Mee aoe ce eos vere Al 
Political program of Communists ....... 37 
Politics, Communist activity in ........ 25, 39 
EEAELIUR SENAY ¢ eset Os Pedi pakl dein die ihe 259 
DPR RIOR Meee alert le, 3s Shae wie ee wee 71 
PELTON GON Me eS ce os ke ovsaatete 257, 259 
ontresoute Ve use ee en lk se a VO, HIRO 216 
Hore otneeDepartinent 2... foc kf 213 
BER MPRGSCGE coool occ oe OE alt 217 
PRR URMCM ee hoa Pa vela ool etek won 75 
Presbyterian censorship of the movies 150 
Presidium of Congress of Third Inter- 
ES TE (nla a nA ot SR Soe ae 12 
Ppesidiunis, system of... 0085... 03. 14, 227 
Press, 
Communists active in the ............ 25 
English Communists and ........... 263 
BrCtMDUS SOL. Control! yes cout hoe 14 
eevee te Margaretan ).)) sh 65, 88, 99 
Progressive, definition of .............. 40 
Proletarian dictatorship ........ fhe: TRL Pie Dap 
Reams otitiogiatin aor oe ce Noe 197-249 
LER ATU it Rie CAR Aad Alans Rides 9 Ag 257, 260 
Not objective of revolution .......... 15 
Object of class struggle ............. 26 
MIRA SAI ATES Sens sos kee ene 173-174 
Proietarian ‘revolution <0. 0. 30.53.20 ce 221 
Pa TOS PRRU SIE e ee Na hot at by Yer ay 111 
WeTmeePArIa tT SUL a ey vi ne oak ee ee 76 
Cit BUR AMOTIOCR fe CSE sy ely coe 223 
Evora hdia 240 BS. he te ore eee 76 
Pieswes,) a2 ipincation, .\ Sees. eee lee ae 910 


R 
Race prenndiceuces 4205s ace oes oe wees 192 
RaGegriotbiencc chee clone akties ets 189, 193 
Rachmaninofl. (Sergei, 024. oc toe nee 145 
Radek, Karl 
All-Russian Cent. Ex. Comm. ....... 74 
Prirectartle PIA ies Geet ee Ue ee nee oe 30 
Internat. propaganda bureau ......... 22 
Member, Presidium of Comintern .... 12 
Orders signed by ........ 13, 188, 194, 256 
Rebukes striking miners ........... 258, 260 
Radical publications and literature ...... 71 
RadicalsmeaennitvonmOtae aiccsc cles cae ane Al 
Radicalism 
PAMONPMNERTOES Scena cok ens oar 189 
In; schools#and: colleges -2. 560. usm. cers 55 
RAO V SIV Mateo ale a ccele on oie nee ene Mera 75 
Railroads: brotherhoods cen ye sonis rae ote 44 
Proposed Alliance with United Mine 
Workers ci.5 + hs-0 s/n Peeaie ts erate gle ae ee 199 
Railroad sstelegraplierso yim eta este nis 131 
Railroad Workers, Communism among .. 82 
Raiiway Carmen's nionece eee some eee $3 
Railway Review, a publication, ........ 45 
Ralston ackson Wissen. Sees ccstar« sort 216, 217 
Ralstonia senator ndiana myer oe othe ene 49 
Rand School of Social Science..45, 46, 47, 74 
Ra viet. Charles iriceststct atone ievake i telcte ee Ve oe. 83, 150 
Rebel Worker, a publication, ........... 185 
Rechtse Charles teen rasiu ce cteae e elo are ere 100 
Appointment with Norma Talmadge .. 152 
Attempts propaganda in movies ...... 141 
Negotiations with Will Hays ......... 152 


Recognition of Soviet Russia, 
8, 68, 1382, 170, 199, 251 


REGmA TN Yur. oe tals wee a 108, 104, 152, 156 
RedsArinyaot A mericam. esate ntermieras 163 
Redmtlagun an Song vca serch ied: Aare 89 
REG aMOntN Men oes Lier ae wears tout pee Te 136 
REGHENADOLCON tno. cae ie etre CON oy ales 44 


Red Trades Union Internationale, 
24-80 M36. tals LoQiecl, 225,0e50 


Reed erloun, hasten ces cae Peden ae 106 
Rerchelp Dre COO nts els tre oe ait cye 98, 160 
Reflections by Edmtund Burke ....7..... 5, 6 
Reinstein es pOvissteisrs ese nists = euletia scope ascote 21, 24 
Reiserofee Willian ee wwe sacs bts aie cies 64 
REECE DIVES rs cee sort wisteas © oats Ae ceeRs 103 
Relief organization 

Disguising Communist activities ..... 20 
ReportsitouMoscow)) Yencsuce seas wees 131 et seq 
REItErs Ween Ckaht eae a eat ehe glee aie dea 12 
RevaleuGhsthonia,) amie ctu. oateter sei ane eet state 75 
Revolution, 

By legislative enactment ............. 39 

French, see French revolution, in the 

VA TILER ICAS preparer ate Hietateke Hine ore mene eet, wee 223 
EPP icy Aa Darien 'cte oa cc cadsaes wig ate 80 
Proletarian, and the farmer .......... 111 


Russian, see Russian Revolution. 
Universal, the goal of the Bolsheviks .. 76 


Revolutionary Age, a publication,........ 185 
Revolutionary Socialist Committee 
CHra ni Celta, cone olarrn ota operate rants arails 31 
Reynolds Wasctessarsctee eiarcutter a creer sedate 21 
Rhines River! (Germany ve wae ee ereiee 158 
Ricker, A. SE eit ae SIE Ah OO Rae a ier 100 
IR Fea eear erates enctuttn e's vous eeverer eats toneen eat acebemene 75 
Rittec ee Drie niok tee claw eo eee eee 83 
Robertson me DAT Baya seis here orate 47 
Robespierre French revolutionary....6, 61, 62 
Robins, Mrs. Raymond ..... 46, 181, 183, 186 
Re binsonies Criiso Gans) mae erates cave heehee erate 150 
Rogers, Bruce 
djetters received: DY. fies scien ts aede seas Tae 
Money getter for Communists ........ 151 





INDEX 





Raises money for Federated Prass 
League ..... pelle Winnsiedan nee eae es rr 
Sells scenario to Jesse Lasky 
Rogers, Will 
Romanofts 
Rome (Italy) 
Roosevelt, Theodore 
Followers of, in Conf. for Prog. Polit. 
TACELON Sabatier we chee sea nave here aemereeere eee tS 
Letter to Felix Frankfurter 
Rosta 
Rote Fahne, a publication 
ROU ria tila vets per acretaetoletece a aera oe eau ane 
Roxbury, (Mass.), Meeting of Young 
Workers’ League 
Riubalsky eine cake Sasa Aare eae 
Ruch George, Fos esc) oat ek tas Uies Bae 
Rumiantseff, Nikolai 
Russia, 
Ana Germany, conn ceo ne eee 
Revolutionary conditions in, ......... 
Soviet Government of, see Soviet 
Government. 
starvitig <childrénuoft eos oe 
Sympathy for people of, by World War 
Meterang eit ann dere eae 
Russian-American Industrial Corporation 
Russians A rin vane ioe ay ie eee 
Russian Communist Party, see Communist 
Party of Russia. 
Russian Fair and Costume Ball 


ee ee 


ore tener etree eee eee sees eereoee 


 ) 


eee ee teeeve 


ee 


eeeere eer eeereeoee eters 


ee eeeeeoe 


Cree ee eece ecco ee once 
eee cere 
© Ch One 0 0 0 6.4 e 0-00 © 6 0.0 016 5% 0 #1916 
CCIE Set You’ Se tae a Ser Te Jar 
ee eereeone 


eeereeeee 


eoereereecerses 


Awmiericati7\ ih, ny eaten sone ae 5, 
Russian Soviet Embassy ............... 
Russian Soviet Republic .............. 9, 
Russian Telegraph Agency ............ 
Russian-Ukrainian Workers’ Educational 
DOCIEEY Fee sits cee ee nee hee 
Rothenberg .oC Boba. oo ae ae os See 
At Bridgman Convention ............. 
Tabor! Def. Couns fs) epider oe 
Waters Come ee ls wave ek aoe 
Party siistory at oo eee 15, 107, 109, 
epeakstin | NIU Yo City hac ana ee oe 
Trial of, at St. Josephs, Mich. 207, 
Ryan? Mathers John Aste. cae ane 
Kyekman elu gould vas ces aiauie case gets 
Ky koviese ccs Eerste isuMale ects taae chart, levine 
S 

Sacco: and (Vanzettiort. we. vance eects 89, 122, 
Sack ities Poe Meas ae oe eat cei eer en Capa 


Sage Foundation subsidizes The Survey.. 

Sailors’ Unione detains era: Sa ees 199, 
St. Joseph’s (Michigan) 
St. Louis (Missouri) 
St. Paul (Minn.) 
Samuels, H. F. 

San Diego (California) 
San Domingo 


eee ere eee reeves 


ee 


ore ee ee eee wre eene 


oe ee mere vr er er eee oeee 


Schenclos Joseph iitke ae evennerettieete . 150, 1523 
81 Schlessinger, Benjamin ..........00.. 47, 131 
150 Schlossberg, Joseph ........... ats te tetetetete 80 
150 Schneiderman, Rose .......+..2+02: cie'ete eet 
61) School SE iT hottght co. as casa elcicongees coe ee 
5 Schools 
216 Communist; for «young «. «i suuwueues . 269 
Schools and Colleges 
42 General conditions “77.0.5. 2. «sen 55 
60 Nuclei of Communists in ......... A 55 
74 Support ot scholars in’. ..0. 0 eee 55 
75 Schwimmer, Rosika *is2 og vsuue eas oe eee 121 
75 science: sof God>"a' film ole us otaae oe ae 150 
Seamen’s Union ......... ae ewew seme > Eee 
65 Search, aMabelsaxs) oem seen ee z 80 
5 Seattle Central Labor Council ........ 98, 133 
Ty: Secrecy, 
144 Enjoined on Communists ........... 14, 37 
Of. headquarters, (C8 P/°Al~.° fees 204 
16 Secretary (Of Waris o3 eee ee ee 
23 Senate of the United States ............ 7, 8 
September massacres “S20Gsa. oe de eee 62 
Severance Club, Los Angeles .......... 81, 83 
7 Shatskin uo P22 534 eee cee ee : 13 
Sheet metal workers (i..0 ...¢0. eae 44 
35 Shelley Club (Los Angeles) ....... Brad 82 
176 Slowatis fis 2a eee ee ee 5, 16, 199, 251 
213 Stelton, (New Jersey) ....... ob lee Meee sets eee Es 
Sheridan; Claire” 8 2 as opty. She ee .. 106 
Shillady, Jolin) Res os eee eee 187 
152 Shipstead, Senator (Minnesota) ........ 49 
5 Siboul, Jean, see Ivan Narodny. 
Sick and Benefit organizations ...... Vecmueon 
105: pittelairn Upton. ony ae: 62, 63, 82, 148, 151 
99 Slaton John Wigtra aces eee BA 147 
102 Smith ¢ Colleges noe ae ee ee 62 
103 Smith,-O97/5 = Dist) Att yore 207, 209 
100 Smith) Mran (Git Mea Se. G ae eee 57, 58 
142 Sobelsohn, Tobiach, see Karl Radek. 
101 Social-Democratic parties ........... 198, 249 
99 Social Service Bulletin, a publication .... 119 
145 Socialism, 
First step towards Communism ...... 42 
183 Socialists party”... cack. oa 29, 42, 47, 178, 174 
74. - Socialist-Labor ‘party’ 2.00.2 eco 173 
177. ~~ Socialist Review, a publication ......... 46 
12 pena eG projects, government support 
OLE ee nie fav Gin Pee re hee oan 
98 Socialists, left wing and Boston police 
213 Strike ois sivas pipe cies eee eer ee 155 
21 Socialists Consumers League ........... 98 
174 Society for Medical Aid to Soviet Russia 53 
119 Society for Technical Aid to Soviet 
110 RuaSSiaiilecre cae ec thee ace are cote 98, 129 
175 jo SONA es eines id aiGeaiesw Sie aie baits iene eee 75 
209 Soldier-Worker, a publication .......... 162 
178 (Soldiers “Unions 2.0 ges season eae 199, 254 
63 Solidarity, a publication ...5.....-.s0s. 80, 95 
10 SONS) LCoMMtinistaraa sie aiene eee ee ees 56 
South “American, 05.) ta 3. tee 219, 220 
Soilvarinee ws eee ces Seragnetra Sales 12 
Soviet Government of Russia 
Abandonment ‘of: Nep ..5..4s. <<a 16 
131 Lauded by Conf. Pro. Polit. Action.... 43 
149 Relieving presure on ........195, 196, 248 
185 Relations to Third Internationale ..... 10 
251 Refuses to accept deportees .......... 212 
20 Soviet Government 
133 Establishment of in the U. S. ........ 45 
134 Soviet Russia, a publication ............ 66 
4%6 Spain: So phys eee Ras ee Ae 15 
82 Spartacists ...... 5 A elehice aneatacotip eae ute eee 163 
219 Special Committee of Soviet Government 
57 To control immigrant actors ........ 142 
173 Spectorsky). Pdith ccc rds be eee eee 14 
[284] 


‘Gas 


7 ae ce cer a ne nats ele A at aa ae SO nh ie Mc eh dO Lee ae a A 


INDEX 
Soe ae pannis Bixby. coke eee vee - Teachers Council of Los Angeles ...... 150 
preckelis, udoip OC eee ere eee 41 © 'gi910 sole Tenhunen Mattie 80 
sproul, Mrs. Marion E. ............... 55 RPS TON PA RANG at aihe cl lips aE ay 
Stage, : Communist activities concerning Terraccini Steere e eee serese ahs wi aheteteret oo 12 
thee. :sk ee ete Y ogy Caae Cet. 141. Texas Agricultural and Mechanical 
Statin eee eee Ne SRODN wae were TG College ........ Sain tre wie sis eias wn Wh thie 55 
Bersmeras Ul Omri re er ici pose 219 Theatre, Communist activities in ....... 141 
Standard Steel Car SOc Cake ve Scr eee 94 Theosophical MOCIEEM AS ae roa ets eee aie 83 
Stanislavsky, Constantine .............. 145 Third (Communist) Internationale tee. 287 
State Department, see Department of State. : eee : 
Rieten Universities vadicaticn te 62 Activates politics tins U5 SARs: osees 126 
Steel Strike Organizing Committee...... 94 clpueptiates $30,000 for propaganda in 126 
sacnsnsty:® Chatles *P. Persie ee a's tp tees tess eacaces eres 
Letter to Meni cee ert ee ee ie 69 peneey ee spk avian Maes: oe 
: eer Russ.-Amer. Indus. Corp. 181 DominatessC" Piva oe oe ree 39 
te Ov Se Re he O Ee tS) SiGe Ste POS ONS SIS Swit e : a.lel (bate Loe 4 ke 120 Fl ti f E if eS Mrralak es yadiaet GRE ck sae 12 
Sterling bill] (Congressional) ...... Nee era ka Fe | aes iy Toure etn ya oe Cam terees 
Stockholm (Sweden) .................. 75 ee Congress of and Max Leen 909 
Stokes, Rose Pastor z L eee A ee St TOT (OOO 16 Kae Se) 6 Te tel wire) .a 5d 6) 161 ae ork el > , 
2 ; eadership of Negro movement...... 191 
At Bridgman, Mich. BET a ee pit ete a1 Organized hy Lenin) yee Fe 1 
hes tare a: RUBIO Boe cles isin as 123 rganizes conspiracy in England ..... 258 
ere. nak ria ihe ARM a AM ie Py iy aa 98 roclamation of Ex. Com. of ........ 79 
Rinne nowi spay tesee © 8's IS Me A ai ALON a 75 Relations to Soviet government ...... 10 
Bre Wart eile tte N he 8 83 Relgtons) to i007 GAN es Oi wen noun ay 13 
Strike oe dar ie ae . tees eae 45 Sect’y of War Weeks and .......... 156 
iat Coie Pity Bue: Sia slinth tose 6-8 ae Second world congress of ........... 25 

Lie Stages Or a oer e ela ceo L508: ee te Oy wh a.e. te .% homas Rey. Norman 
Boston Police ........ BPeUeNS she a eRe 155 . reat : : 

Chicago DACRITP AP eas Siar ses rts are ne wal bats Dries Bete etna aatie fel ne 
: Civili Rib turean cg sh Syec Ael ee ues 186 
oal and railroad (1922) Rais Ree 20 ; 

: Labor Defense Council .............. 173 
Breenduettibes cyt tie k ee (hE, IPI, Labor Film Service 149 
Mining, in England AHA Ginactar satay aay ea 258 ROUT aatng ye Freee ESOT Th SR Rca he Le ie ae SG ear 

Strike breaking in Latin-America .__ ||| 220 dHeS, Mag MORN ee soa ieee NW ah aa 
trong, Anna Louise Aingieys: Kathering.noue ee poke ea in 83 
Moscow Corres., Federated Press Teqey a ippetts Lom site eee ie ee Tk rear 44 

Students, Russian. Tisea,,: Counts Stephen crore de ote 138 
t , Russia ; 

Financed at Univ. af Calif. by Moscow 65 Toledo (Ohio) HG CIS bile 1.0116) Oe "ate one Ses Se few ee) 6 10 

Sucker lists ..20, 82, 124, 175, 176, 187, 217 Tomsky 

Sullivan, T, R..... Toronto (Canada) ‘Trades and Labor 

MIVA A Rodton at sroiitiler'g svete, wie Seale see Sh 22, 129 ° : 

Suoma Raatagen Club iy CSW ners aS 57 Council Sys FRCL eh Oe S Sie One Ls: is ho) we iial-st eyel eal aes 98 

Supreme Court, U. S. Powoise .(Peance}i® she hl hid ae 75 
Appeals to, by Amer. Civil Lib. Union 119 Townley 

Supreme Soviet of Peoples’ Economy in Driven from power ................. 42 

‘ Ra BS) AE Dee i ie na Sencar 74 Non-Partisan League ................ 43 
upreme Literature and Publishing Ad- Trade Union Educational League. ..12, 13, 46 

ministration of the Russian Soviet As a Communist organization ........ 33 
Bee There sek ate hae teens . ue Avoiding illegal acts ................ 28 
, 2 He ie nancies ing ele Oe) Seehs ce) s).61 16s Bureau of R. R. workers ........ 131, 182 

Swabeck, Arne ....... Sis eS Se ema 80 Establishment of branches * 30 

Swanson, Senator CMirginia)$-2.0 . be z 49 Endorsed by Red Trades Union Inter- 
weet, Governor (Colorado) .......... ee 49 Pationale yy om sg cw arene 31 

Selena UE tune nO wien Sarah Raat 75 General description CaN TAR 2p pen ir Tier 91 
ne ta (New York) jpet-, 100 ealan! Defense tet ea ae Ue eg ted ' 

sm rganized by William Z. Foster ...... 95 
By William Z. Foster hk ey ae 96 Relations with illegal branch ......._. 14 
Emphasizing trade unionism ......., 2°80 Represented at Bridgman Convention, .21, 22 
eeteeed Po; Pariotiqm soe lo 96 Recognized in trade union work ...... 28 
We aa ke ahs Seen or pe eS 44 Trade Unionism by William Z. Foster... 97 

Trade Unions 
T As vote-getting machines ............ 29 
Capture of by Communists ALS ER au Wg ee 6 

Tacoma Central Labor Council ........ 98 poser ah policy concerning ........ 30 

Tactics, thesis on of 8rd Internat...... 169 OU RETS NACELVE 920 oo eiycsiala Panes 24, 25 

Taft, Ex-Pres William Meee be ae 46 Unification of B Wine, 'o. ta) inl eiaite: fells, ache : sik ores oa 24 

“Take, eat; this is my body.” ... -Frontispiece Trials, Communist, see Communist Trials, 

eeucoure, “Nornan (Hojo. oe 22 Trotzky, Leon (Bronstein) 5, 10, 60, 62, 232 

falmadge, ) Constance <...... 3,56... . 34.453 Agentayiny Up Syo) so aeewnedt owns 149 

Talmadge, Norma Truth, a° publication’ ¢.5..0.0.02,0. 0,5. 161, 169 
Appointment with Charles Recht 152 UCL A Late dap Seca ot eee his Nea eee cee 12 
SD TO MOSCU Ws Sel ree 152 Tulsa, masacre at ...... pistevetetetice a hae Te 161 
Name in Communist files ........... 150 Lar key Bera tse et he ees Aa 74 
Russian Fair and Ball ............... 153 Ivomies, a publication ................ 80 

Talue, Jaan, see Ivan Narodny. Twilight Club ..... ROIS REICE Oe aurea el tutte 74 

SOPOT LONI Ayal si eer a reer : 178 YRC a ee wi sleaa dike eT EG 194 


[285] 





INDEX 





U W arbtirg; sRelis vec okie ocise scien eer 187 
Ward, Rev. Harry F. 
Underground branch, C. P. A. ...... 203, 255 , ate : : 
-Unton Record, (Seattle) a publication 80, ag age: ib Lib. Union ............ a 
Union Theological Seminaryvaniasscee oe 1 Washiveton conference fo eee 
; : STON CONLETENCE inen. «celal 199-251 
aes areas a Pope un Washington, George, and the influence of 
Taken aoe oie e 44 esd French Revolution in America .. 6 
: VAR ere ROS ae ASN See ea ear ashington University Law School .... 217 
nares Vp seat ee A Fadia Waa tig a19 Ween cna (Indiana) *.02,. ashes 101 
44, 127, 180, 131, 136, 198 LE UNV CDOT a DIA Yio ake yet boca a eee 151 
United, political fronts ovees wee eee see se bgenige Mrs. Nesta .....-.+.++-.+005 5 
eeks,, Hon. John (Woos « Gain nse terreus 156 
Saas part Blocatraictoeme soiree Peal bah Me Weeinar il M 1% 
Unite nda iner, OT i's co ite le Gua allo ele feta eraser ds aire 
Against) Wall’ Sec ugh. 2 re Ue 991 Weeinstone a Was Weve ee se econ LY eee 4 88, 125 
Fundamentals of ¢0000.......ceeee0 o8  Wolls, Mula Me hn eee 
ea seenee Shake oa pei nea aie Lease ahiet ee Corde Vues ae Seo naanee 
wi pedal MET eh PERE CUSiy Dem Pa RO West, OL REE sa deuteracrttotane sicher ohstenstens 173 
Workers Party on the . vata e heart taal 241 Western Federation of Miners ......... 148 
United Hat and a Makers’ Union .... 18 gerbes 219 
United Hebrew [rades 20 20. 'sion os ole oe 4 Ceee RRR TM ee 
Wiaied LabsroCounciliot Amencat an 131 Western. Hemisphere: o)..00 0). ws a come aiies 222 
United Labor Council of New York bial Wheat, L. C., see J. Lovestone. 
United Press ete 19 Wheeler, Senator (Montana) 923. eeu 49 
United States Army, see “Army. A dle Pris arpekage beara Wemaineniey en Sie a 
United States palit ent seedy ge Le rade at A LR ce i ate Ei Sie 8 
pe ager Whitman 7 Lee! Fort) oii, atenco steer aiane 95 
Center of western capitalism ........ 222 Whitney, Ro Mise ll. caine Cappright page 
Divided into propaganda sections .... 136 Whyou Gang 61 
Demandstuponie ser ees custtepe etelel ere etelete 195 Wilenkinu Dr Toa 
A Henkin rin [ona cen cracalvcisis eve ween eats 98 
Lea tobe llaalgua tp oop eps a ga a EN 74. Williams, Albert Rhys... cs, sce eyehees 106 
United Tailors eh et py Alans, sheath a Wells vs. eee 56 
OLN OSE EC. BRE TE wie DEN Pca Williams,” Dean “Tyrrell °; 022524 cn «ene eee 
Vi Sieiemmenity: AA gen Wilshire, Mrs.) Gaylord”4, oss) eeu 82, 83 
Federation of Independent .......... 24 Nels AM 2A aM meme IS fo ee 
University ora. Calitorinia sacmncciecls cia cate 64 Wil ae We i © Sau 5a ee ee aaa 46 61 
University) of ‘Chicago i... 006 elacniee <5 63, 64 Wi em F POWs" nieve © n 00 i Araneae aaa 475 
University of Illinois: 2. oe eee eles 64 Wise’ Rabbi Siithca S86 
University of (Michigan 3-0 iw inc ce sere 64 AA ae : 18 cpnen 121. 183, 187 
University of Pennsylvania ............ 64 Ci 1 Libert: U Set ea a ee z J 186 
University of Wisconsin .............. 63, 64 yg. pid iberties Union ..........5 ie 
Wrugtay cos pee cdes salsa nee tat 71, 220 ishnewetzky, see Mrs. Florence Kelly. 
Te tavess n ablicatian 76 Woman Patriot, a publication ...... 180, 181 
J 3 pecan nos Prag aaa ame st Womens work! among. scene crieie sheets 177, 178 
Women’s block committee .............-. 178 
Vv Womens (Clubsi awit. sete ae 171 
Women’s International League for Peace 
hai igen: Cy ; i Wir Aa ae i he a ated : 2 and Hreedomiitsi nn sa eelelevele eke 180, 181, 183 
ras C ile. waco ae See aa 62 Women’s National Committee........ 178, 180 
en cah Pa b2 gts RR Ais Paley ed EG Pil 390 Women’s Propaganda Committee........ 269 
Let bign eRe adil diy tarts ol nciear cation aa et 132 Women’s Third Internationale.......... 189 
Winning tyes ss ener. pis Pee. eas, 180 Women’s Trade Union League.......... 45 
Villard, Oswald Garrison .......... 121, 186 Organized by Mrs. Raymond Robbins.. 181 
WVinlénce er te neu tins Sora a te ere 211 Objective... essere sects eee e cree cece 181 
Voice of Labor, a publication ........ 80, 131 Work among working WOMCH <6 hea - 178 
Voluntary Parenthood League ......... 187 Work. of. penetration ss..2 003.4 cae we 180 
Von Stroheim, Eric, ........ Aas SEA ons 83, 150 Approved by National Information Bureau 186 . 
Vorse: Mary) Heaton e102 eae 98, 173 Wood, 1, Hollingsworth...... 00. 0...6.3% 121 ; 
Woolwine, Dist. Attorney..........ec0e= 151 ; 
Ww W orker, bas a) pliblication 1... tere 129 
Workers? ‘Controliui.). u's ake ule mbcravennietor ies 92 
Walnut, T. Henry ........ E Enh) ME AR 175 Workers’ Defense Union............... 174 ; 
Wagenknecht ei Aunig set Je worms, cewogh ict iy Workers’ Educational Association....... 88 ; 
Wagner, Rob ........ P Biei vas ei ire Uae 150 Workers’ Education Bureau............ 46, 47 ; 
Wald): Lillian Die o050. 7). ....121, 188, 187 Workers’ League ............+-.es +. 131 q 
Waldman’? Louis. juecn etek eek aes ts 149 Workers Party of America j 
WialliStreet: 1 ateus enue 26, 28, 43, 164, 221 Announces a red month......... oe. 
Wallerstein, (David isons thie chee 175, 217 A distinct organization....... .. 254 j 
Walsh,® Frank P.".,.2105,.107, 172; 178. 916 Affiliated with Friends of Sov. Russ... 98 4 
Walton, Governor (Oklahoma) dares ee ewe kD Branch of (CaP Ales apne eae 54 
a : Bree of Third hein lel na etatene 19 
O©rors Oljee: sae aistein Galevensioner ie ieremians 156 entrists in ..... Sis; shel elale state emnes 27 
No-More-War days” Vive ee Retin rsh gre? 3 7155 Controlled by C. Pp. Ae Abe RiP i Oe Sie 88 
Wars Mabors board Guna oe eee eae 46 Dangerous elements in. cuca c ede pe 
Warhasse, Dry. James Poi danas pep unas Direct political action of. ie «00 60a ae 





antral, convention ) }.)2 )¢50.00 79. 60, Z 88 

Labor Defense Council............... 172 

Moscow orders establishment of....... 195 

Rosi thevunited front.oi 85 ous. 8k ls. 241 

Object of organization..... afagea ts agteer 27 

werposetel (Uj lore) so... 8 89 

PeeAtIOS Vt som PAA Ce ik ee i. 1213 

Russian Federation of ............., 137 

Pecmerniiatsc orl 0 een yee eo 124 

Winning political workers ........... 242 

Sinen-as branches?) o.oo. dear Cy. ek 89 

Work of womens’ branches ......... 90 
Workers Soviet Republic in U, S. Areaoos eae 
Workers’ World, a publication......... 185 
Working Class Women’s Block Commit- 

JOS? PEG a a sald SLadeharehott aint 179 
Workmen’s Compensation Laws......... 182 
acca New aV orks is oil Ng eo eR 145 
World Congress of Juvenile Labor...... 66 
World Revolution 

Sympathy with Germativs ce mit wae dee 16 
World Revolution, by Mrs. Nesta Webster 5 
World Tomorrow, a publication...... 181, 185 
PMV APIO Thee or Nao: ee 120, 213 
World War, preparing) for: 230. oo)" ..199, 251 

A communist organization............. 162 


World War Veterans, 
Approved by Young Workers League. , 68 
Affiliated with Amer. Ciy. Lib. Union. 123 


Affiliated with Friends of Sov. Russia.. 9 


Commended by J. Lovestone.......... 35 
Writers’ Club, Hollywood........ iene ct te hte ys 
World Wide Soviet Republic............ 157 
nVurokeal Karki Vee aa eieas ee 20 

x 


X, see Trade Union Educational League. 


ry, 
Yale University, 
Cosmopolitan Club of................, 64 
se of radical literature in........__. 62 
wanishervska yay oii hk ony ee ae p 137 
Warnell, Miss) Rather. .31...0.0. 00.000. 63 
ROME Saree tir lcte Cee ewes COR te eye waa te. 79 
Young Communist Internationale....... 67, 68 
Young Communist League to fight the 
SORUICCE TIS Oe tHe MOR TeAN a lMet yg altar 67, 68 
Young Comrade, a publication. eyo 05: eg I 
Rh WTA Ae cenit a gic ink Ome oS 
Young People’s Communist League..... 65, 99 
Young People’s Forum, Los Angeles...,. 82 
Young People’s Socialist League........ 99 
Young Women’s Leagueeie ni. powie ee 68 


Young Workers’ League, 
Branch of C, P, A., and aims....65, 66, 99 


Organized by Robert Minor doa 98 
Young Worker, The, a publication........ 66 
Youngstown (ODIO) BRS ae reed a ae ae 95 
Mouth; a publication i). ese. 01. 9/4. bee. 65, 66 
Yugoslavia ..... sb atate tar wien oosghal cet eh e 75 

Zz 
Zaprely eae ey Ce fi0.6 ele seis yon saa Mines : 75 
Zehenergruppen (nuclei of ten)........ - 263 
Celene Clara her wet tien Me. vviing Oem Sy Cee 
Zinoviev (Apfelbaum), 

All-Russ, Cent, Ex. Com.......,...., 74 

Appeals to English Workersi. he ee 87 

hief, Central Office, Propaganda Sec- 

MOD ieee teu e eC oe Wee td 
Ex. Com., Third Internationale... .. elise? 
dnstructions/ to CoP) Ayu Ns oi a 87 
“Monopoly of legality” speech ........ 9 
POltbureatr ig oon Claaratreie eee ts eae 10 
Secret orders for propaganda in Army 

and Navy ....... Melo oetea ci es een are s 158 

Zurich, 
A propaganda center................. 75 
Women’s meeting at ................ . 188 


[287] 


rince 


MA) 


1012 01598 


tena 


H Any 
eal 


oe 


™~. 
nee. pee 


—- 
= 
* 


Eee 


vi, 








